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Stevie Wonder becomes Billboard’s best R&B artist of all time

Billboard has released its list of the “75 Best R&B Artists of All Time,” crowning American singer Stevie Wonder as the best R&B Artist of All Time.

The ranking was determined by evaluating factors such as vocal prowess, body of work, career longevity, industry achievements, and cultural impact.

Stevie Wonder tops the list, followed closely by legendary artists Aretha Franklin, Michael Jackson, Beyoncé, and Whitney Houston, who take the second, third, fourth, and fifth spots, respectively.

The top 10 list also features James Brown, Prince, Mariah Carey, R. Kelly, and Marvin Gaye, rounding out the top tier of R&B greats.

Other notable artists on the list include Ray Charles, Usher, Sam Cooke, and The Weeknd, among others.

Source: The Nation

MPs in England and Wales pass bill legalising assisted dying

Terminally ill people in England and Wales are to be given the right to an assisted death in a historic societal shift that will transform end-of-life care.

After months of argument, MPs narrowly voted in favour of a private member’s bill introduced by Labour’s Kim Leadbeater, which could become law within four years.

Her bill, which passed by 314 to 291 votes, a majority of 23, was hailed by campaigners as “a day for the history books, where facts have prevailed over fear”.

The emotional debate in parliament was dominated by pleas from opponents of the bill for stricter safeguards against coercion by abusers, concern from disabled people and warnings about the fundamental change in the power of the state when granted new rights over life and death.

Labour MP Kim Leadbeater in the House of Commons

The prime minister, Keir Starmer, voted in favour of the bill, while MPs were given a free vote. It will head to the House of Lords and peers are not expected to block its progress, though opponents said they would continue to fight the bill there. Royal assent is widely expected by the end of the year.

It will give people with less than six months to live in England and Wales the right to an assisted death after approval from two doctors and a panel including a psychiatrist, social worker and senior lawyer.

Opening the debate, Leadbeater said now was the time to seize the moment, to “correct the profound injustices of the status quo and to offer a compassionate and safe choice to terminally ill people who want to make it”.

The Labour MP for Spen Valley said it was “not a choice between living and dying – it is a choice for terminally ill people about how they die”. She said rejecting the bill was “not a neutral act, it is a vote for the status quo … and it fills me with despair to think MPs could be here in another 10 years’ time hearing the same stories”.

Terminally ill people and families were in the public galleries watching the debate and at a rally in Parliament Square. Dame Esther Rantzen, terminally ill with lung cancer, whom Starmer promised he would make parliamentary time to debate the bill, said she had never quite believed it would come to pass.

“It won’t come in my lifetime, I won’t live long enough, but I am so relieved it will help future generations to look forward to a good death. I am astonished I have lived to see the moment,” she said.

Trail pic - Assisted dying bill

Concerns were raised by disability activists, who held a protest outside parliament, and MPs opposed to the bill made passionate pleas that it would lead to people being coerced into ending their lives early.

The bishop of London, Sarah Mullally, a former chief nursing officer for England, said it would be a service introduced amid multiple risks to the most vulnerable, including serious shortfalls in social and palliative care.

“It does not prevent terminally ill people who perceive themselves to be a burden to their families and friends from choosing assisted dying,” she said. “And it would mean that we became a society where the state fully funds a service for terminally ill people to end their own lives but shockingly only funds around one-third of palliative care.”

Opening the debate for those opposed to the bill, the former foreign secretary James Cleverly said he was an atheist but had rejected the bill because he believed the right safeguards were not in place.

“We were promised the gold standard, a judicially underpinned set of protections and safeguards,” he said, citing concerns from professional bodies including the Royal College of Psychiatrists. “I disagree with [Leadbeater’s] assessment that it is now or never, and it is this bill or no bill, and that to vote against this at third reading is a vote to maintain the status quo. None of those things are true.”

The cabinet was deeply split on the legislation. Cabinet ministers to join Starmer voting in favour included Rachel Reeves, Yvette Cooper, John Healey, Liz Kendall, Pat McFadden, Heidi Alexander, Ed Miliband, Steve Reed and Peter Kyle.

Among those opposed were Angela Rayner, Bridget Phillipson, Jonathan Reynolds, Wes Streeting, Shabana Mahmood and Darren Jones.

The Labour peer Charlie Falconer will take over shepherding the bill through the Lords, with backing from Conservative peers including Michael Forsyth and the former Scottish secretary Alister Jack.

Should the bill pass the Lords, there will be no provision in place for a number of years. The government and NHS have four years to implement the bill, though Leadbeater has said she hoped it would be ready sooner. There are no answers, as yet, as to whether the NHS would provide the service or private providers, or whether it would be free at the point of use.

Terminally ill patients with a prognosis of six months will have be of sound mind to proceed, but MPs rejected an amendment that would have prevented anyone from accessing the service on the basis of feeling too much of a burden to loved ones. There will be criminal sanctions on any family member found to be coercing someone to choose to hasten their deaths.

Through the debate, proponents of the bill sought to argue that MPs could not allow the status quo to persist.

The Labour MP David Burton-Sampson said his Christian beliefs had meant he was initially against assisted dying but the exertions from constituents who described their loved ones dying in excruciating pain had persuaded him to support it.

“In my view, this bill has more controls than it had, the debate has been ongoing for many years, it has gone through hours of scrutiny … I believe in choice and while I believe assisted dying is not for me, it should be a choice for others,” he said.

Many speaking in support or against the bill told of some of the hardest moments of their lives, such as the Conservative MP Mark Garnier, who spoke of his mother’s drawn-out death from pancreatic cancer. He said she had endured more suffering and anguish compared with a constituent with the same disease who ended their life under assisted dying laws in Spain.

Labour’s Siobhain McDonagh’s voice broke with emotion describing her sister’s death from brain cancer, and her fears her life would have been shortened had such a law existed sooner.

From both Labour and the Conservatives there were warnings that the bill would herald a watershed moment that could not be undone. The mother of the house, the Labour MP Diane Abbott, said MPs should oppose the bill on behalf of the marginalised.

“I came to this house to be a voice for the voiceless. Who could be more voiceless than somebody who is in their sickbed and believes they are dying? I ask members in this debate to speak up for the voiceless one more time,” Abbott said.

Two MPs, the Conservative MP Tom Tugendhat and Labour’s Chi Onwurah, said they were deeply concerned about the fundamental shift in the role of the state, giving it the power to end life.

The Labour MP Vicky Foxcroft, who resigned a whip on Thursday night in protest at the government’s disability cuts, spoke against the bill citing her fears for disabled people, as many campaigners protested outside parliament.

“The vast majority of disabled people and their organisations oppose it,” she said. “They need the health and social care system fixing first. They want us as parliamentarians to assist them to live, not to die.”

Starmer, a strong supporter of the law change, had made his decision to vote at third reading some time ago, but No 10 declined to disclose it in advance on the prime minister’s insistence, conscious that making a firm commitment to do so might be too leading when the government was neutral.

Before the final vote on the bill, MPs passed several new amendments, including two from opponents of the bill. One would bar those who refuse food and water from being classified as having a terminal illness, though MPs concerned about anorexia said it may not prevent that slipping through the gap. The other would commission the health secretary to report on the state of palliative care.

Source: The Guardian

‘Dialogue doesn’t mean we’ve folded our arms’—Sokoto govt defending resolve to negotiate with terrorists 

The Sokoto State Government claims that its recent decision to open dialogue with bandits is not a show of weakness.

In a statement responding to criticisms of its recent offer to negotiate with bandits who wish to drop their arms and give peace a chance, the Special Adviser to Governor Ahmed Aliyu on Security, Col Ahmed Usman (Rtd), said the state’s priority is the safety and security of its citizens, and that negotiation is just one of many tools being deployed to address the worsening insecurity.

“Let it be clear — we are not negotiating because we are weak. We are doing this to prevent more innocent lives from being lost,” the official said.

According to him, the government is still working closely with security agencies and has not abandoned efforts to arrest and prosecute those responsible for attacks on communities.

“Dialogue doesn’t mean we’ve folded our arms. It means we are exploring every option. Force alone hasn’t solved this problem in years,” he added.

“We owe it to our people to try everything—dialogue, security operations, support for victims—anything that brings peace closer.”

In recent months, Sokoto has joined some North Western states ravaged by insecurity, as villagers abandon homes to seek refuge in towns and neighboring states.

Bandits ambush police team in Katsina, kill Inspector days after viral video showed security operatives and traditional rulers meeting with notorious bandit leader

  • Watch the Video

Days after a notorious bandit leader who had been declared wanted by security forces was seen in a viral video meeting traditional rulers, local government officials, representatives of the Nigerian Army, and top officials from Katsina and Zamfara states, at least one police officer killed and another injured following an ambush on its Armoured Personnel Carrier (APC) patrol team by suspected armed bandits in Kankara Local Government Area of Katsina State.

Sources told security analyst, Zagazola Makama that the incident occurred on Thursday, June 19 at about 12:30 p.m. near Government Science Secondary School along the Kankara–Kafi Road, during a farm clearance operation by the police. 

According to police sources, he bandits suddenly opened fire on the patrol team, leading to a gun duel. 

“As a result of the exchange, Inspector Yahaya Bello, was fatally wounded and later confirmed dead at the General Hospital Kankara by a medical doctor. Another officer, ASP Sani Suleiman, attached to 27 PMF Katsina, sustained gunshot injuries and is currently receiving treatment at the same hospital, where he is reported to be responding positively,” a source said. 

Read Also: Sokoto Government declares readiness to dialogue with bandits, as IPOB condemns FG’s linking of Kanu with #EndSARS 

Meanwhile, a civil society group, the Citizens for Equity and Justice Initiative (CEJI), has condemned the governors of Zamfara and Katsina states over a widely criticised peace meeting held with Ado Aleru, the notorious bandit leader.

The meeting, held Saturday in Bichi community, Danmusa LGA of Katsina, was attended by traditional rulers, local government officials, representatives of the Nigerian Army, and top officials from both states.

In widely circulated video footage, Aleru — who has a N5 million bounty on his head — was seen addressing the gathering, urging for peaceful coexistence between Fulani herders and farming communities.

Aleru has been linked to countless acts of terror and bloodshed in the north-west, with human rights organisations accusing him of orchestrating mass killings, mass kidnappings, and the displacement of thousands.
His reemergence, not in handcuffs but at the centre of state-sanctioned negotiations, has sparked outrage across the country.

CEJI, a non-partisan watchdog focused on justice and rule of law, said the presence of state officials and security personnel at a meeting where Aleru was not only welcomed but offered a platform to speak, was a complete betrayal of the Nigerian people and an affront to every citizen who has lost a loved one to bandit violence.

In a statement issued on Friday, Dr Abdulmumin Sarki, CEJI president, accused governors Dikko Radda of Katsina and Dauda Lawal of Zamfara of hypocrisy and political cowardice.

“These are the same governors who, while campaigning, condemned so-called peace deals with blood-stained warlords,” Sarki said.

“Now in power, they are doing precisely what they once derided — normalising criminals as stakeholders in the governance process, even as tens of thousands of citizens remain unaccounted for due to the very violence these men unleashed.”

The group referenced a 2023 report by Amnesty International which estimated that more than 10,000 Nigerians have been killed and tens of thousands more displaced in the past two years alone as a result of banditry and communal violence in the northwest. In that context, CEJI described the peace parley as a “moral collapse of governance”.

“You do not negotiate with terrorists in the open, not when the blood of their victims is still drying, not when they remain armed, wanted, and unrepentant. It is a dangerous precedent that delegitimises state authority and emboldens violent actors,” Sarki added.

Governor Lawal of Zamfara had, in August 2023, publicly ruled out dialogue with bandits, describing such moves as “a failed strategy that has only given criminals more time to regroup and rearm.”

Similarly, Governor Radda had dismissed earlier peace talks under his predecessor as “a misguided approach that rewarded impunity.”

CEJI said both governors must be held to account for clearly contradicting their own policy positions and exposing the public to more insecurity.

“The Nigerian state cannot simultaneously claim to be fighting insecurity while its chief executives are sharing stages with those they should be arresting. This is a contradiction that weakens the rule of law and puts lives at risk,” Sarki said.

The group called on the National Security Adviser, Nuhu Ribadu, and the Inspector General of Police, Kayode Egbetokun, to immediately investigate the circumstances under which Ado Aleru was allowed to surface freely and publicly despite his wanted status.

“It is unacceptable that a man declared wanted since 2020 was able to move around with such impunity, engage state actors, and issue statements without fear of arrest.
The implication is that there may be state complicity in shielding these actors, which is a grievous national security breach,” the statement added.

The group also urged the National Human Rights Commission and international partners to investigate the meeting as a possible violation of Nigeria’s obligations under international law.

“Negotiating with known perpetrators of crimes against humanity, in full view of the security agencies and the public, without any form of justice or accountability, is a breach of international norms and values,” CEJI stated.

It called on the governors to issue public explanations for their roles in the meeting and to clarify whether their administrations now officially recognise violent non-state actors as peace partners.

“If the governors of Katsina and Zamfara can legitimise a fugitive bandit in the name of peace, what will stop every other violent group from demanding the same treatment?” Sarki asked.

“That meeting undermines the rule of law. It tells victims there is no justice. It tells future terrorists that with enough weapons and violence, they too can get invited to state dinners.

“We strongly condemn that so-called peace meeting and urge the security agencies to investigate that highly provocative gathering.”

Watch the video below.

As the ACJA marks its tenth year of implementation, we can proudly acknowledge its transformative impact on Nigeria’s criminal justice landscape — Akinseye-George, SAN

Remarks by Professor Yemi Akinseye-George, SAN, at the One-Day Stakeholders’ Review Meeting on the Draft ACJA Amendment Bill

My Lords,

Hon. Attorney-General of the Federation & Minister of Justice

Distinguished ladies and gentlemen,

It is with great pleasure that I welcome you to this pivotal stakeholders’ meeting convened to review the latest version of the draft amendments to the Administration of Criminal Justice Act (ACJA) 2015.

This meeting is being hosted by the Centre for Socio-Legal Studies (CSLS), in collaboration with the Federal Ministry of Justice, and with the valued support of the Rule of Law and Anti-Corruption (RoLAC) Programme, funded by the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IIDEA). We deeply appreciate this support.

Today’s gathering provides an opportunity for stakeholders from across the criminal justice spectrum to examine, critique, and refine the proposed amendments to this landmark legislation. I congratulate each of you on your nomination by your respective agencies to be part of this important dialogue. Your presence is not only a reflection of your expertise, but also of your agency’s commitment to justice reform.

As you are aware, the proposed ACJA Amendment Bill was passed by the House of Representatives in 2023 and is currently before the Senate. While we had hoped the Senate would have concluded its review by now, the delay has created an opening—a rare window for us as stakeholders to make further improvements before its passage.

In the intervening period, the Administration of Criminal Justice Monitoring Committee (ACJMC), alongside other key actors, has put forward additional suggestions aimed at closing gaps and strengthening the Bill. This meeting is therefore essential in harmonizing diverse views and consolidating them into a final version that meets the needs of our evolving justice system.

As the ACJA marks its tenth year of implementation, we can proudly acknowledge its transformative impact on Nigeria’s criminal justice landscape. The Act has unified procedures across the Federation, replacing the old dichotomy between the Criminal Procedure Act in the South and the Criminal Procedure Code in the North. Its adoption by all 36 States is a testament to its national significance and success.

Yet, as with all laws, there is room for growth. The proposed amendments seek to respond to practical challenges and emerging trends in justice delivery. Key highlights include:

Institutionalizing mandatory pre-trial case management;

Reforming the problematic ‘trial-within-trial’ approach;

Legalizing the use of witness depositions;

Introducing plea forms to simplify arraignments;

Strengthening non-custodial sentencing measures;

Advancing the digitization of court processes;

Eliminating de novo trials following judge transfer, retirement, or death;

Enhancing the institutional framework and functions of the ACJMC;

And aligning the ACJA with the Nigerian Correctional Service Act, 2019, particularly on non-custodial measures.

At the conclusion of today’s deliberations, CSLS and the Federal Ministry of Justice will compile your valuable contributions and re-engage with the National Assembly in a bid to revive and fast-track the legislative process.

I wish to use this platform to make a passionate appeal to the leadership of the National Assembly: Let us not allow this opportunity to slip by. The country urgently needs a stronger and more responsive criminal justice system.

I would also like to extend our deep appreciation to the Federal Ministry of Justice, especially the Department of Criminal Justice Reform, for its steadfast partnership and commitment. We are especially grateful for the enabling support of the Honourable Attorney-General of the Federation, Prince Lateef Fagbemi, SAN, FNIALS, whose open-door leadership style continues to inspire collaboration.

Our thanks also go to the Honourable Chief Judge of the Federal High Court, Hon. Justice J.T. Tsoho, and the Honourable Chief Judge of the FCT, Hon. Justice Yusuf Baba, for their support. We salute the heads of various criminal justice agencies represented here for their dedication to reform.

A special recognition goes to our partners in the media who have consistently amplified our efforts and ensured that justice reform remains on the national agenda.

Before I conclude, let us not forget the tragic events unfolding in parts of our country. We mourn the senseless loss of innocent lives in Benue, Plateau, and other conflict-ridden areas. These atrocities remind us of the urgent need for peace-building and justice. A strengthened criminal justice system is not just about trials—it is about prevention, accountability, healing, and peace.

Let us, therefore, approach today’s meeting with a sense of duty and resolve. Together, we can help shape a justice system that truly serves the people.

Once again, I warmly welcome you and wish us all productive deliberations.

Thank you.

Professor Yemi Akinseye-George, SAN

President, Centre for Socio-Legal Studies (CSLS)

Abuja, 19th June 2025

“Your Excellency, Don’t Abandon Us”, APC Chieftain Salako Amekunlooye writes open letter to President Tinubu

An Oyo-based entrepreneur, philanthropist, and youth mobilizer, Chief Salako Amekunlooye, in an open letter to President Bola Ahmed Tinubu GCFR on Tuesday, June 17, 2025, expressed disappointment over perceived neglect which he and other patriotic individuals and loyalists of the All Progressives Congress (APC) are experiencing after campaigning vigorously for the president’s victory in 2023, in Oyo State and across Nigeria.

Amekunlooye, in his letter, gave an account of how he travelled round the country, mobilising Nigerian youths in various higher institutions, trade unions/associations, religious institutions, as well as community development associations during the electioneering period in the country.

He also did not hold back his anger by complaining bitterly that he had been excluded from the dividends of party politics.

The APC chieftain further disclosed he found it appalling that none of his people was found worthy of being compensated with an appointment or post-election reward from the Presidency, adding that the Commander-in-Chief should purge his administration of sycophants who have refused to tell him the truth, an action which according to him could be inimical to the President’s reelection in 2027.

The letter also indicated that regardless of Amekunlooye’s displeasure, it would be disingenuous for him (Amekunlooye) to say he regretted throwing his weight behind President Tinubu in 2023, he however used the medium to appeal to the president to consider all what he (Amekunlooye) and other patriots sacrificed to ensure the party’s victory, saying they deserve to partake in the federal appointments.

His letter reads, “Your Excellency sir, my name is Chief Salako Amekunlooye one of your grassroots mobilizers in South West and also a member of South West Agenda for Asiwaju (SWAGA); a foremost political support group which did its best to make people across political divides record presidential victory for you in 2023.

“Sir, to our amazement in Oyo State and across Nigeria, those of us who campaigned vigorously for you have been neglected with utter disdain and contempt. We traveled round the country, mobilised Nigerian youths in various higher institutions, trade unions/associations, religious institutions, community development associations etc, but today we have been excluded from the dividend of party politics. None of us has been found worthy of being compensated with an appointment or post-election reward from the Presidency, this is very demoralizing and our foot soldiers are even finding it difficult to believe us.

“As it pleases God, today you are the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, for some of us who truly love you we would like to respectfully tell you to do self introspection, identify moles around you and as well purge your administration of sycophants who have refused to tell you the truth, an act which obviously could be inimical to your reelection in 2027.

“Although, regardless of my displeasure which should not be considered as an act of disloyalty or treachery, it would be disingenuous for me to say I regretted throwing my weight behind you in 2023, meanwhile I will rather use this open letter to appeal to you to consider all what some of us who are patriots sacrificed to ensure the party’s victory in 2023. We all deserve to partake in the federal appointments. I would have written to you in private but I know some overzealous individuals around you won’t let it get to you, hence this open letter became inevitable.

“Recall Your Excellency during the anniversary in commemoration of your two-year in office, I felicitated with you, because I believe in you and unequivocally passed a vote of confidence on you and reiterated the fact that I am solidly behind you and our great party (APC). Sir, it won’t be out of place to carry us along in all the political affairs in the states especially Oyo State. We are closer to the people at the grassroots, and we form the largest voting bloc in the secular world. Our demography should not be neglected. Since after the elections, Your Excellency may note that our efforts were never in any form appreciated or recognized.

“Nothing was given to us at any point in time, not even during the festive seasons. We waited and waited and waited to no avail, this is really sad. Your Excellency, permit me to reliably inform you that many of our boys went through a lot at the last election. We took a great risk sleeping on the grass in open spaces at almost every state during the electioneering period to ensure victory.

“A number of us sacrificed our personal belongings to support the campaign in our own little ways, some of us were physically attacked, some fell sick, some were involved in ghastly motor accidents, others were grossly bullied and disparaged on the social media, yet those inhuman treatments and challenges never distracted us from canvassing votes for the party. Your Excellency, these loyal party men and women have not been compensated for all their pains and sacrifices, we are feeling neglected.

“We would also want to respectfully draw the attention of His Excellency, our Father, the advocate of people’s empowerment to focus on advancing the country and bringing radical changes to the structure of governance. You also need to take steps that will change the misconception of north-south divide and engender national unity, inclusiveness, cohesion and development.

“As grassroots stakeholders who have the expertise to mobilise eligible voting demography in an election, we believe that the humanitarian sector requires diverse leadership to effectively address the complexities of social issues, especially those impacting vulnerable populations, including those who are committed and showing fidelity to your Renewed Hope Agenda, because we are the ones that could bring perspectives and experiences that can lead to more comprehensive and empathetic responses to humanitarian needs.

“We therefore urge you sir, to reconsider your appointments and to ensure that the appointments are extended to those who played pivotal roles in making your presidential dream a reality despite the stiff resistance pulled by the opposition parties and the filthy roles played by the fifth columnists.

“Your Excellency sir, for the umpteenth time, kindly please consider our clarion call to you. Listen to us, include us, and ensure that your key appointments reflect the richness of our nation’s diversity and as well make APC a veritable special purpose vehicle for political success and prosperity at all times and in every state.

“Nigerians are watching, the world is watching, but you are the one leading and we pray you will not fail.

“Thank you, Mr President.

“Your Compatriot and APC Chieftain,
“Chief Salako Amekunlooye,
“Ibadan, Oyo State.”

UN Fact-Finding Mission says Sudan war intensifying with devastating consequences for civilians

By Joy Ezeilo, SAN

Let us not forget about Sudan! The protection of the civilian population must be a priority, particularly in the context of humanitarian aid, as over 20 million people are facing famine and are in desperate need of assistance.

We presented our findings to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva, Switzerland, emphasizing that the ongoing war in Sudan, which has now entered its third year, continues to devastate civilians, with women enduring alarming sexual violence and children being forcibly recruited as combatants.

Calls for an end to the conflict are unequivocal, but peace without justice remains an illusion. Accountability is not a luxury—it is the foundation of lasting peace. Without it, the cycle of violence persists. Justice must be prioritized in peace agreements, addressing the absence of accountability that has been recognized as a key driver of conflict in Sudan.

Prof. Joy Ngozi Ezeilo (SAN, OON).
Expert Member, UN Independent International Fact-Finding Mission on Sudan.

Blood On The Benue: Weeping for Beleaguered Nigeria

By Prof. Mike Ozekhome, SAN

INTRODUCTION

Yelwata in Benue state has been drenched in blood. Last October, I launched 50 books at the same time in Abuja to mark my birthday. One of the books is titled “Blood on the Niger and Benue: Nigeria’s Grim Insecurity Situation”. Everything said in that book has just bee reenacted in Yelwata, Benue State.

In the quiet hours of Friday night, June 13, 2025, the farming village of Yelwata in Guma Local Government Area of Benue State lay cloaked in the familiar darkness of rural Nigeria. There was no forewarning, no alarm. Only sleep. Then, like a storm without thunder, horror descended.

Armed men, suspected to be killer Fulani terrorist herders, emerged from the shadows and set upon the defenceless community with brutal precision. For more than two hours, they maimed, slaughtered, burned and razed. By the time the sun rose on Saturday morning, the landscape had transformed into a grotesque tapestry of charred ruins, still-smouldering debris and lifeless bodies sprawled across crimson soil. Over 200 people were reportedly confirmed dead at the scene and the toll would rise in the days that followed, with some reports placing the number of victims at over 300. Among the dead were children, pregnant women and elderly farmers, civilians caught in the indiscriminate cruelty of a calculated massacre. I most unequivocally condemn this horror, this man’s inhumanity to man. It must never happen again. NEVER!

Witnesses recounted how petrol was doused on thatched homes before they were set ablaze. Whole families perished in their sleep, trapped by flames and collapsing roofs. The night echoed with the crackling of the burning and the screams of the wounded and the orphaned. Survivors stumbled through the darkness, scorched and bleeding, in search of refuge. At the Benue State University Teaching Hospital in Makurdi, doctors worked frantically, overwhelmed by the influx of casualties. Medical personnel issued urgent calls for blood donations as the wards filled with the critically injured, many clinging to life with little more than hope.

In a land where yam festivals should flourish, the earth has instead flourished with drunk blood. A serene and prosperous village, producing large quantity of food is now a ghost community, no thanks to deadly attacks by killer herdsmen, who pose as innocent cattle rearers.

A PEOPLE LEFT FOR DEAD: THE HUMAN TOLL

What occurred in Yelwata cannot be dismissed as a “clash,” nor cloaked in the diplomatic cowardice of euphemisms that seek to sanitize horror. This was not a skirmish. It was not a misunderstanding. It was a massacre! A premeditated act of mass violence, executed with recklessness and impunity against a defenceless civilian population, in total defiance of laws and moral conscience. The people of Yelwata have become mourners in their own homeland, dressed in black, forever gathering the bones of the innocent. The village has been painted over with the sorrow of the grieving and the brushstrokes of trauma.

Among the victims was the family of Michael Ajah, a survivor now left hollowed by grief. Ajah lost twenty members of his family in a single night! Eleven perished in one house. Eight were killed in another. The others died in the chaos, scattered across a village that now exists only in ashes. His stores were burnt. His home was destroyed. Standing barefoot in the ruins, he described how he escaped only with the clothes on his back. “This is the only thing that I have now,” he said. “There is nothing else with me.” Bature Bartholomew, Joseph Kwagh and countless others suffered a similar fate.

Apparently, prior threats had been made, as they often are, but villagers had grown used to such messages. The community had seen warnings before. And in the past, some security forces had pushed back similar threats. The villagers believed it would be the same this time. They likened it to the story of the crying wolf. They were wrong.

Let the world hear it: the peaceful people of Yelwata were not victims of chance. They were targeted. They were hunted. And they were massacred.

DEAFENING SILENCE AND DEADLY INACTION BY GOVERNMENT

The massacre in Yelwata is not just a story of blood and loss. It is a harrowing indictment of leadership failure, systemic neglect and institutional cowardice. In the face of rising tensions and repeated warnings, those entrusted with the security of Benue State and Nigeria at large chose silence. Security forces knew the fragility of peace in Yelwata. They were not blind to the pattern. From Guma to Agatu, Logo to Turan, the script has played out over and over: villages burnt, families erased, justice deferred. Yet, no preventive measures were taken. No fortified presence. No aerial surveillance. Only the eerie stillness of a nation too used to the scent of scorched earth.

When the killers struck again, it was not a surprise. It was an inevitability made possible by deafening silence and deadly inaction. The people of Benue have cried themselves hoarse, year after year, massacre after massacre. But their grief has been met with bureaucratic apathy and public relations condolences. Governor Hyacinth Alia’s response to the massacre was not merely inadequate; it was an affront. His delay in visiting the scene, his refusal to speak, tweet, or even mourn publicly until after President Tinubu’s very belated visit, has been interpreted not just as incompetence but as possible complicity. In the face of over 200 dead, the Governor offered the nation a figure of 59, thus inimizing the scale of bloodshed and insulting the graves of the murdered. What even if it were one? Instead of naming the perpetrators, he set up an investigative panel that tactfully avoided attributing blame, as if the truth was inconvenient, as if justice might provoke too much discomfort.

When President Tinubu finally arrived in Benue, the expectations of a grieving people were clear: solidarity, seriousness, swift action and restitution. What they received instead was a grotesque display of political theatre. Placards bearing the President’s image lined the roads. Schoolchildren, soaked and shivering, were forced to line the streets under a heavy downpour, waving soggy banners while mass graves still steamed in the earth nearby. What should have been a moment of solemnity turned into an unofficial 2027 re-election rally, a tasteless spectacle that traded the blood of Yelwata for photo ops. This was not condolence. This was campaign optics.

This playbook is not new. On New Year’s Day in 2017, over 200 people were slaughtered in Benue for resisting the destruction of their crops by cattle. On December 25th, 2024, as Christians marked the birth of Jesus Christ, suspected armed herders invaded Ityuluv, Tse Azege and Innyiev Ya in Kwande Local Government, killing eleven people mid-celebration. The images are consistent: corpses laid out under church roofs, burning homes, the wails of mothers who will never again hold their children. Yet from the corridors of power, the same recycled rhetoric flows: “We condemn,” “We are investigating,” “We urge calm.” But no arrests. No convictions. No justice. Just the thud of fresh bodies hitting the ground.

Even the words of comfort are now hollow. President Tinubu’s lamentations, “Enough is enough… perpetrators must be arrested… communities must dialogue”, ring with irony. Dialogue with whom? With the men who crept through the rain to burn babies alive? With those who hacked entire bloodlines to death because they were asked not to graze on people’s farmland? Dialogue implies equal grievance. This is not war. This is terrorism. Pure and simple. And to place dialogue and reconciliation above accountability is to trample on the memory of the dead.

Dr. Daudu Ayu of Yelwata captured the fury of a betrayed people when he denounced the President’s framing of the massacre as a “conflict between warring communities.” There is no parity here. The Fulani attackers were not defending; they were invading. Their aim was clear: seize ancestral lands, decimate indigenous populations and spread fear as a weapon of conquest. To reduce this to “herder-farmer clashes” is to excuse genocide with semantics.

The numbers are staggering. Since 2009, Nigeria has lost millions of lives to insurgency and herder-farmer violence. Benue alone has absorbed blow after blow, turning its farmlands into open graveyards. The government’s failure to act, its refusal to label this terrorism for what it is, has emboldened the killers. Why would they stop when they face no consequence? Why retreat when their path is cleared by political hesitation and legal paralysis?

President Tinubu’s muted outrage and calculated ambiguity do not typify exemplary leadership. They are avoidance wrapped in grammar. His failure to draw a red line, to name the aggressors, to galvanize decisive military action, makes his ambition for a second term in 2027 more than politically distasteful; it makes it morally flawed. How do you govern the living if you preside over the slaughter of the forgotten?

Each delayed response, each muted condemnation, adds one more body to the pile. For years, as statistics ballooned into genocidal proportions, the government sermonized from podiums while the fields of Benue ran red. This latest atrocity in Yelwata is not the beginning of the story, but it must be the final warning. Because if Nigeria cannot protect its citizens, if the Constitution’s promise of security and welfare is conditional on tribe, location, or silence, then it is not a nation; it is a lie, a scam.

Enough, please. Condolences do not resurrect the dead. Nor do photo-ops rebuild homes. The people of Yelwata need more than pity; they demand justice. And if this government cannot deliver it, then it must step aside for one that will. The land of yams is now the land of tombs. And history will remember who stood up and who stood back while it all burned.

TERROR HAS A NAME! CALL IT BY ITS NAME!!

According to Fr. Remigius Ihyula, a long-time witness to these cycles of violence and trauma in Benue State, this is a coordinated effort to wipe indigenous Christian communities off the map. “These Fulani militias are not just killing, they’re clearing land to claim it,” he stated in what should have been a national alarm bell. “And they’re being allowed to do it.”

The silence that follows such clarity is complicity. These attackers do not crawl out of caves. They cross state lines. Emboldened, equipped and unchallenged. From neighboring Nasarawa. Armed groups are said to find safe haven in Lafia, the state capital; yet successive Nasarawa governors have refused to act. Not out of ignorance, but from calculation. What kind of leadership turns its face away while death marches across its borders in open daylight? What kind of democracy tolerates this level of carnage and calls itself whole?

And when the few voices brave enough to speak the truth rise, they are met with digital disinformation and diversion. Fr. Ihyula has strongly condemned attempts to scapegoat the Tiv people, refuting online rumors that Tiv militias orchestrated the massacre. “There were no Tiv fighters involved,” he said. “This is a deliberate attempt to muddy the truth and shield the real perpetrators.” In a country already fracturing under the weight of ethno-religious mistrust, such deflections are more than cowardly. They are dangerous.

David Onyillokwu Idah of the International Human Rights Commission gave name to what many have been too afraid to utter. “This is what the Nazis did to the Jews,” he warned. “It’s ethnic cleansing, step by step. First, they displace them. Then they come back and finish the job.” This is not sensationalism. It is a fact pattern. Entire villages emptied. Men and women slaughtered. Children hacked to pieces. Homes razed. Crops destroyed. Entire communities transformed into ghost towns with only ashes left to speak.

And where is the state? Where is the machinery of justice, the constitutional promise of safety, dignity and equal protection? Every law in Nigeria, beginning with the Constitution, affirms that the right to life is sacred. That the state has an inviolable duty to protect it. Yet in Yelwata, life was treated like expendable surplus. Background casualty in the theater of statecraft. Amnesty International has catalogued the horrors, calling attention to the government’s complete failure to stem the tide of violence. “Gunmen have been on a killing spree with utter impunity,” it reported, warning that the mass displacement of farmers would have ripple effects on food security and economic stability. Their statement, clinical yet urgent, highlighted not only a humanitarian disaster but also the erosion of constitutional order. “Without immediate action, many more lives may be lost.” The question is: does the government intend to act, or merely wait until there are no more villages left to bury?

POLICY OR HUMANITY FAILURE

What occurred in Yelwata is not only a breach of human dignity. It is a breach of law, of the very fabric that claims to hold Nigeria together. These are not mere attacks; they are crimes against humanity. Under international law, under the Rome Statute to which Nigeria is a signatory, a systematic attack directed against a civilian population qualifies as such. Ethnic cleansing, political protection of armed militias and the use of displacement as a weapon, all point towards a dangerous descent Nigeria cannot afford. This is not just Yelwata’s burden. This is a national stain.

The issue is no longer one of mere policy failure. It is a test of our collective humanity. It is the measure of whether we, as a people, as a nation under law, believe rural Nigerian lives matter. Because every time a tactical unit is deployed after the massacre, every time officials show up after the mass burial, every time condolences are uttered while killers remain nameless and free—it tells the people of Yelwata that their blood is cheap. That their lives are expendable. That they are alone.

But the Constitution says otherwise. Section 14(2)(b) of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended), declares the security and welfare of the people to be the primary purpose of government. Section 33 guarantees the right to life. Section 34 guarantees the right to dignity. Yet in the fields of Yelwata, once alive with farming, festivals and laughter, there is now only ash, silence and death. These rights, on paper, are being buried beside the people they were meant to protect.

If Nigeria still believes in its own laws, in its own humanity, then Yelwata must not be forgotten. Their stories must outlive the silence. Their names must echo louder than the rain that hid the footsteps of their killers.

This is no longer a rural crisis. It is a national reckoning. And history is already watching.

FROM CRIES TO JUSTICE: WHAT MUST NOW BE DONE

The carnage in Yelwata, like so many before it, leaves behind more than scorched homes and mass graves. It leaves a nation at a crossroads. In the place of swift justice, we have seen a cycle of condolences without consequence. In the place of leadership, we have seen silence, sluggishness and in some quarters, chilling complicity. And so, once again, a grieving people are left to ask: must our cries be louder than gunfire before we are heard? Must the soil drink more blood before the state will act?

The Northern Senators Forum, in a rare and firm voice, echoed the frustration of a people brutalized beyond measure. Chairing the statement, Senator Abdulaziz Musa Yar’adua called upon President Tinubu to ensure that his visit to the ashes of Yelwata would not dissolve into a photo-op footnote. “What the people of Benue and indeed all Nigerians, deserve is lasting protection, not repeated mourning.” In a nation where impunity now travels in convoys, that statement carries the weight of a challenge, not a courtesy.

But lip service will no longer suffice. Nigerians are not beggars at the gate of justice. They are constitutional citizens entitled to life, dignity and safety. Yet these rights have been violated repeatedly in Benue State, a region that has endured more than its fair share of bloodletting. Rural communities have become theatres of unrelenting terror. Ungoverned spaces stalked by militias, abandoned by the state and forgotten by a government too slow to respond, too quick to excuse. Yelwata is but a metaphor of what goes on across the length and breadth of Nigeria.

This moment demands more than mourning. It demands reckoning. The Constitution empowers the President to declare a state of emergency where there is a serious breakdown of public order and a clear and present danger is presented. That threshold has long been crossed. As Sir Ifeanyi Ejiofor, Esq, rightly noted, what we are witnessing is not communal misunderstanding. It is a transnational siege. Militants from across the Cameroon border continue to pour in, slaughtering with impunity, while the federal and state governments grope in the dark of denial.

And where was the governor, the supposed shepherd of the people? Governor Hyacinth Alia, elected to protect lives, stood muted while bodies were piled. The faint whisper of his voice came days after, long after the wails of the bereaved had risen to the heavens, long after Pope Leo XIV. It is not enough to wear a cassock; one must wield courage. It is not enough to call for prayer; one must demand justice. And if political office now weighs heavier than his conscience can bear, perhaps the pulpit is where he truly belongs. The hood does not make the monk after all.

RECOMMENDATIONS

  1. Immediate Deployment of Adequate Security Forces

The first and immediate line of intervention must be the swift deployment of sufficient, well-trained and fully-equipped security personnel to the affected communities. But this cannot be business as usual. Our military and other security agencies must stop operating in separated silos. What we need is joint intelligence gathering, joint operations and joint accountability. Anything less is a betrayal of the people already left exposed and bleeding.

  • Declaration of a State of Emergency in the Affected Areas
    The Federal Government must now invoke its constitutional mandate under Section 305 of the 1999 Constitution to declare a targeted state of emergency in the devastated areas. This should not be done as a mere political gimmick like in Rivers State but as a constitutional necessity. Such a declaration would allow for a unified, coordinated and rapid security response, free from the red tape that has too often cost lives. It would restore public order, unlock emergency relief and send a powerful message, not just to the perpetrators, but to the bereaved that Nigeria has not entirely lost its soul.
  • Establishment of a Judicial Commission of Inquiry

A robust, truly independent Judicial Commission of Inquiry must be established to thoroughly investigate these atrocities. It must dig deep; not just into who pulled the triggers, but into who enabled them, who funded them, who looked away. Justice must be more than ceremonial. It must be seen, heard and felt. Otherwise, we embolden the next set of killers.

  • Government Assistance to Victims and Survivors

The dead must not be buried with the silence of the state. Survivors must not be left to wander with grief as their only companion. The government must offer immediate and sustained relief, medical care, shelter, financial assistance, food, clothes, relocation support and psychosocial services. Compassion must walk hand in hand with justice. Not as charity, but as a right.

  • Tackling the Root Causes: Annexation and Occupation by the Fulani Herders; Poverty, Unemployment and Illiteracy

Peace is not built on military boots alone. It is built on dignity of the human person; opportunity and hope. The structural causes of this continuous violence must be tackled. First, the government must extirpate this sense of irredentist annexation and occupation of the land of the Natives all over Nigeria by fully armed Fulani herders. The grinding poverty, monumental unemployment and educational exclusion must be confronted and dealt with boldly. These are not background issues; they are the fuel that ignite the crises. A country that fails to invest in its people will eventually have to bury them.

  • Inclusive Dialogue with Traditional Rulers and Community Leaders
    Security is not the exclusive preserve of the state. It must be co-owned by the people. Traditional rulers, faith-based leaders, youth groups and local stakeholders must be at the table, not as spectators but as partners. Their voices carry legitimacy and their cooperation carries weight. The road to peace must pass through the hearts of the people who live there.

Nigeria must abandon the lie that some lives are worth more than others. Whether in Lagos or Yelwata, the right to life is not negotiable.

Justice must rise. Not as a whisper but as a national roar. For each charred body in Yelwata cries out; not for pity, but for prosecution. Not for platitudes, but for policy. Not for remembrance, but for reform. Let the government stop sermonizing and start securing. Let the Presidency remember that it was elected to protect, not to pontificate. And let the nation rise to say: enough. Not one more grave before we act. Not one more child buried before we move.

IF NOT NOW, WHEN?

I have decried this nightmare too many times. My voice is now hoarse from screaming into the void. And if I, one far removed from; a mere citizen and a conscience with pen and protest feel this ravaged, this worn, then what must be the state of mind of the grieving people of Yelwata, of Benue? What must it be to live in constant dread, to bury child after child, to rebuild only for fire to raze it again?

The people of Benue State deserve better. They deserve a government that does not look away, a system that does not delay and a nation that does not devalue their suffering. The Yelwata massacre was not just a tragic event. It was an indictment. A blistering exposure of governance gone cold and a security architecture collapsed under the weight of its own rot. It laid bare the double standards that govern Nigerian responses to violence: swifter when it affects the elite and sluggish, if not silent, when it happens in the farmlands of the forgotten.

This was not just a failure of one government. It was the betrayal of institutions. A brutal failure by Governor Hyacinth Alia, who watched from within the state without uttering a word while the ashes of his constituents cooled. A glaring failure by the Tinubu administration, that merely sent condolences before justice and optics before concrete action. A catastrophic failure by the Nigerian state itself, whose primary constitutional duty, to protect life and property, was abandoned the moment the first gunshots rang out in Yelwata.

This massacre cannot be allowed to happen again. Not under any guise. Not cloaked in politics. Not silenced by power. Not dulled by time.

We end not in quiet despair, but in thunderous resolve. This grief will not make us mute. This pain will not make us passive. The dead of Yelwata are not numbers to scroll past—they are names, families, futures. They are stories etched into our conscience.

And so we write and will monitor the implementation of our recommendations.

We will not stop until the soil of Yelwata no longer tastes of blood, but of justice. Until the lives lost become the spark for national reckoning. Until silence is replaced by outrage and condolences give way to action.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Female bodybuilding star dubbed ‘She Hulk’ mowed down by husband who later kills himself with a knife

  • Watch video of Chief Mrs Victoria Awomolo, SAN, warning, “if it’s not working out, leave, don’t die!

A professional female bodybuilder was beaten to death with a hammer at her luxury Costa del Sol home before her muscleman husband killed himself using a knife, police believe.

Colombian bodybuilding champion Zunilda Hoyos Mendez, who also went by the name Amy, was found dead yesterday afternoon after detectives went to the property on an upmarket residential estate in the popular Spanish resort of Fuengirola.

The body of her partner, named as 46-year-old Jarrod Gelling, was found in a bathroom with what police have described in an initial statement as ‘apparent self-inflicted stab wounds.’

Zunilda, who was dubbed Colombian She-Hulk, had been missing since Saturday after flying to the Costa del Sol from Dubai, where the couple reportedly spent much of their time. 

Her relatives described Jarrod overnight as ‘aggressive’ and said they believe he could have lashed out after she told him she wanted a divorce.

Zunilda’s niece Yuleydis told Malaga-based newspaper Sur her aunt was going to help nurse Jarrod after a knee operation before travelling to Portugal for a competition. 

After, she planned to head back to Colombia alone after making the decision to divorce him.

‘For my aunt it was the last trip, a goodbye’, niece Yuleydis said.

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Watch the video below.

Negotiating With The Devil: A nation that bows before blood

By Khaleed Yazeed

What happened today in Danmusa, Katsina State, was not a peace dialogue, it was not reconciliation, it was a negotiation with terror. A surrender of the Nigerian state. A betrayal signed in silence, sealed with shame, and witnessed by soldiers.

Ado Aleru, a name that echoes through the valleys of Zamfara, Sokoto, and Katsina as a butcher, a bandit, a destroyer of villages, sat like a king. Surrounded by military personnel, community leaders, and traditional rulers, he spoke not from a place of regret, but of power. Of pride.

He told us: As long as you keep calling us terrorists, we will keep acting like terrorists. And no one objected. No one stood up.

No soldier raised a weapon. No official raised their voice. The only thing that was raised… was a terrorist’s confidence.

Ado Aleru was not arrested… He was respected… He wasn’t interrogated… He was invited… He wasn’t hidden in a cave.

He was welcomed like a guest of honor, in the very state where blood still stains the soil from the horrors he and his men unleashed.

Tell me: What kind of country negotiates with men who burn children in their sleep? What kind of army stands still while death gives a speech?

This is not just a national disgrace, it is the collapse of every moral wall holding this country together.

To the Nigerian government:

You did not just negotiate with terror. You empowered it. You legitimized it. You gave it a face. A voice. A stage. And the people watched in shock, in silence, in sorrow.

How do you explain to grieving mothers that their sons’ killers now sit in peace talks?

How do you face a country that’s bleeding from the North, cracking in the South, and say, “We are in control”?

You are not in control. You’re lier’s. Terrorists are controlling us, because, they are your political weapons.

To the Nigerian military:

Where was your honor?

Where was the courage you swore to wear in your uniforms?

You raided campuses to arrest students who tweet. You stormed villages to harass civilians who refuse to pay bribes. But a warlord sits comfortably in Katsina, and all your guns stay quiet?

Shame is too gentle a word. This is a betrayal of the Nigerian people.

And to the South:

You watched this too.

You saw a terrorist speak freely in the heart of Northern Nigeria. You saw a government clap with one hand and cover its eyes with the other. So when you say, We want to leave Nigeria, who can blame you?

When you see the North cradle its killers, who can argue with your fears?

This is how a nation dies, not by bullets, but by deals made in daylight. Not behind closed doors, but in open fields where bandits are treated like kings and justice is left gasping for breath.

This is a war for the soul of Nigeria.

And right now, we are losing.

We are losing our dignity.

We are losing our unity.

We are losing our humanity.

Because the message is clear: If you want to be heard in Nigeria, pick up a gun. If you want to be respected, spill blood.

Peaceful citizens are ignored.

Terrorists are negotiated with.

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, where are you?

Your silence is louder than the gunshots we hear at night.

This happened in Katsina, a land drenched in loyalty, soaked in blood, and now humiliated by its own protectors.

If you have any shred of leadership left, act.

If not for the North, then for the fragile future of this country.

Because one day, the same terrorists you coddle today will sit at your table tomorrow, not as enemies, but as equal partners.

And Nigeria, as we know it, will no longer exist.

We will not forgive this.

We will not forget this.

And we will not be silent.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

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