By Prof. Mike Ozekhome, SAN

INTRODUCTION

June 12 holds an indelible place in Nigeria’s political consciousness, a date now officially designated as the nation’s “Democracy Day”. More than just a public holiday, it serves as a sad reminder of a defining moment in Nigeria’s quest for democratic governance, intricately linked to the struggles of Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola. His electoral victory in the 1993 presidential election, widely acclaimed as the freest and fairest in Nigeria’s history even as at today, and its subsequent annulment, unleashed a torrent of political and legal crises that profoundly shaped the trajectory of the nation. Understanding June 12 therefore requires delving into the idealism it represents, the betrayal it embodied, and its enduring political and legal importance.

THE GENESIS OF HOPE: THE JUNE 12, 1993 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION

By the early 1990s, Nigeria was tired of protracted military rule. Decades of coups, counter-coups, and authoritarian regimes had subdued political development, entrenched corruption, and fostered deep-seated distrust between the populace and the government. General Ibrahim Babangida’s military regime, having promised a transition to civilian rule, had embarked on a seemingly elaborate program. Some people dubbed it “transfixion programme” This program culminated in the presidential election of June 12, 1993.

The election itself was unique. Unlike previous multi-party contests, the Babangida regime had streamlined the political landscape to just two government-sanctioned parties: the Social Democratic Party (SDP) (“a little-to-the-left”) and the National Republican Convention (NRC) (“a little-to-the-right”). This binary choice forced a broader alignment across Nigeria’s often-fractious ethnic and religious lines. The SDP presented an unusual ticket: Chief M.K.O. Abiola, a wealthy Yoruba businessman and philanthropist from the South-West, as its presidential candidate, paired with Ambassador Babagana Kingibe, a Muslim from the North-East, as his running mate. This Muslim-Muslim ticket was unprecedented and signaled a potential shift from Nigeria’s traditional ethno-religious political divisions.

The NRC fielded Alhaji Bashir Tofa (a Kanuri) and Sylvester Ugoh (an Igbo). The electoral process on June 12, 1993, unfolded remarkably smoothly. Despite initial logistical challenges, Nigerians turned out in large numbers to vote, demonstrating an undeniable enthusiasm for democracy. The results, though never fully announced by the National Electoral Commission (NEC), began to seep in, indicating a clear and decisive victory for MKO Abiola. Independent observers, both domestic and international, hailed the election as exceptionally free and fair, devoid of the widespread rigging and irregularities that had plagued previous Nigerian elections. It was a moment of genuine national unity and optimism, a powerful affirmation of the Nigerian people’s desire for self-governance. Abiola ostensibly won across Nigeria, beating Bashir Tofa even in his Gyadi-Gyadi, Albassa ward in Kano.

THE ANNULMENT: A BETRAYAL AND THE DAWN OF NATIONAL CRISIS

The ecstasy of the June 12 election was tragically short-lived. In a move that shocked the nation and the international community, the Babangida regime, on June 23, 1993, unilaterally annulled the results of the presidential election. The reasons cited were vague, ranging from “irregularities” to the need to “save the Judiciary.” This annulment was widely perceived as a direct affront to the democratic will of the Nigerian people and a cynical betrayal of the transition program.

The annulment ignited a profound political crisis. Protests erupted across the country, particularly in the South-West, Abuja and other major cities across Nigeria. Civil society organizations, human rights activists, pro-democracy groups (such as the National Democratic Coalition – NADECO), CLO, UDD and student unions galvanized public opposition. The country was plunged into a period of intense civil unrest, strikes, and widespread condemnation from international bodies and foreign governments. The annulment not only shattered public trust, but also deepened existing ethnic and regional fault lines, as many viewed the action as a deliberate attempt by the military-Northern establishment to deny the South-West its legitimate turn at the presidency.

THE STRUGGLE FOR VALIDATION AND THE FIGHT FOR DEMOCRACY

The annulment of the June 12 election led to a prolonged period of agitation and repression. MKO Abiola declared himself the rightful president and was eventually arrested and detained in 1994 after declaring his intention to reclaim his mandate. He remained in detention for four years and died in custody on July 7, 1998, under suspicious circumstances that had the finger of the government, even as the country was transitioning to another civilian government.

The June 12 movement inspired a generation of pro-democracy activists, journalists, students, and labour leaders who risked their lives to challenge military dictatorship. It became a rallying point for advocating civil liberties, electoral justice, and the return to democratic governance. I was, with all humility, one of the frontline torch bearers of our fight against military dictatorship.

MKO ABIOLA’S STRUGGLE: A SYMBOL OF RESISTANCE

At the heart of the June 12 struggle was Chief M.K.O. Abiola himself. Having clearly won the election, he rightly refused to accept the annulment. He embarked on a courageous and ultimately self-sacrificing campaign to reclaim his mandate. On June 11, 1994, exactly one year after the election, Abiola declared himself president-elect in the Epetedo area of Lagos Island, asserting his rightful claim to the presidency. This act of defiance was a direct challenge to the authority of the military regime, which by now was headed by General Sani Abacha.

Abiola was subsequently arrested on June 23, 1994, on charges of treason. His incarceration became a central focus of the pro-democracy struggle. Despite immense national and international pressure, Abiola remained resolute, refusing to renounce his mandate in exchange for his freedom. His continued detention and unwavering stance served as a powerful symbol of resistance against military tyranny and a constant reminder of the unfinished democratic business. His wife, Kudirat Abiola, also became a prominent voice in the struggle, actively campaigning for her husband’s release and the revalidation of the June 12 mandate. She was tragically assassinated in 1996 in broad daylight.

Abiola’s prolonged struggle ended tragically with his death in detention on July 7, 1998, just weeks after the sudden death of General Abacha in equally sinister circumstances in Aso villa. His death, under suspicious circumstances extinguished the immediate hope for the revalidation of his mandate but solidified his place as a martyr for democracy in Nigeria who paid the ultimate supreme price for redemptive messiahnism.

THE POLITICAL IMPORTANCE OF JUNE 12

The political importance of June 12 in Nigeria cannot therefore be overstated. Symbol of Democratic Will: June 12 stands as the most potent symbol of the Nigerian people’s unequivocal desire for democratic governance. It demonstrated that Nigerians, across ethnic and religious divides, could unite and vote freely, rejecting the imposition of leadership.

Symbol of Electoral Integrity

June 12, 1993, remains a benchmark for free and fair elections in Nigeria. The transparency and credibility of that election are often cited as the gold standard against which future elections are measured.

2. National Unity

MKO Abiola’s victory cut across ethnic, religious, gender, status and regional divisions, proving that national unity and collective political will were possible in Nigeria. It challenged the long-standing narrative that Nigeria could not overcome its deep-seated ethno-religious differences.

Catalyst for Sustained Pro-Democracy Struggle: The annulment fueled a sustained and relentless pro-democracy movement. Groups such as NADECO, CLO, UDD, DA, other civil society organizations and various activists relentlessly agitated against military rule, sacrificing personal liberty and, in some cases, their lives. This pressure, both internal and external, played a significant role in ultimately forcing the military to hurriedly relinquish power in 1999.

Exposure of Military’s Ills: The June 12 saga laid bare the inherent contradictions and self-serving nature of military rule. It exposed the military’s disdain for popular will and its willingness to undermine the very transition it claimed to oversee.

Shaping the Fourth Republic: The experiences of June 12 profoundly influenced the design and character of Nigeria’s Fourth Republic, which began in 1999. The framers of the new constitution and the political elite were keenly aware of the need to prevent a repeat of such an annulment.

National Healing and Recognition: For decades, June 12 remained a contentious issue, primarily celebrated in the South-West as a “Democracy Day.” However, in a significant move towards national healing and historical recognition, President Muhammadu Buhari, on June 6, 2018, officially declared June 12 as Nigeria’s Democracy Day, replacing May 29. This act posthumously honored MKO Abiola with the Grand Commander of the Federal Republic (GCFR), Nigeria’s highest national honour reserved only for Presidents and Heads of State. This official recognition was a crucial step in acknowledging the historical injustice and unifying the country around a shared democratic ideal.

4. Rejection of Military Rule

June 12 represents the collective will of Nigerians to reject military dictatorship. The years following the annulment saw increased pressure on the military, culminating in the return to civilian rule in 1999 after the death of General Sani Abacha.

5. Restoration of Democratic Values

The recognition of June 12 as Democracy Day affirms Nigeria’s commitment to democratic governance, civil liberties, the rule of law, and the right of the people to choose their leaders.

FROM MAY 29 TO JUNE 12: A SHIFT IN NATIONAL NARRATIVE

Before 2018, Nigeria’s Democracy Day was celebrated on May 29—the day the military handed over power to a civilian government in 1999. I argued repeatedly like many Nigerians that May 29 was merely symbolic of military benevolence rather than popular sovereignty. In contrast, June 12 embodied the people’s struggle, sacrifice, and demand for democracy. Its restoration was therefore a long held dream.

LEGAL IMPORTANCE OF JUNE 12

Beyond its political ramifications, June 12 also carries significant legal importance.

Judicial Independence and Integrity Tested: The annulment of the election, supposedly to “save the Judiciary,” ironically exposed the Judiciary’s vulnerabilities under military rule. The Judiciary was drawn into the political fracas, with conflicting court orders and legal battles that ultimately highlighted the limitations of the legal system when confronted by raw military power. The Judiciary infamously failed the country during the crisis.

Questions of Sovereign Will vs. Military Decrees: The annulment raised fundamental legal questions about the supremacy of the people’s sovereign will, expressed through a free and fair election, versus the arbitrary power of military Decrees and Edicts. The military junta argued its Decrees were supreme, but the legal community largely condemned the annulment as an illegal act, devoid of any legitimate legal basis.

Focus on Electoral Reforms: The flaws and vulnerabilities exposed by the June 12 experience spurred subsequent efforts at electoral reforms in Nigeria. There was a clear understanding of the need for robust electoral laws, transparent processes, and an independent electoral commission capable of withstanding political pressure.

Reinforcement of Constitutionalism: The struggle underscored the importance of constitutionalism and the rule of law. The arbitrary nature of the annulment reinforced the argument for a return to civilian rule governed by a written constitution that guarantees rights and limits arbitrary power.

Precedent for Popular Mandate: While the mandate was not revalidated, the June 12 experience set a powerful precedent: a free and fair election outcome, reflecting the will of the people, holds immense moral and legal weight that cannot be easily dismissed without significant repercussions. It became a benchmark against which future elections would be measured.

CONCLUSION:

June 12 is far more than just a date on the calendar; it is a national narrative woven with threads of hope, betrayal, struggle, and eventual recognition. It stands as a powerful testament to the resilience of the Nigerian people and their unwavering commitment to democratic ideals. The MKO Abiola struggle, characterized by his electoral victory, the subsequent annulment of the freest election in Nigeria’s history, and his ultimate sacrifice, served as a catalyst for a sustained pro-democracy movement that eventually led to the end of military rule.

Its political importance lies in its role as a unifying symbol of democratic will, a catalyst for political transition, and a critical lesson in the perils of authoritarianism. Legally, June 12 exposed the fragility of institutions under military rule, underscored the imperative of robust electoral laws, and reinforced the sanctity of the popular mandate. By designating June 12 as Democracy Day, Nigeria has officially acknowledged this painful yet pivotal chapter of its history, honoring the sacrifices made and reaffirming its commitment to the principles of freedom, justice, and democratic governance. The echoes of June 12 continue to echo, serving as a constant reminder that the voice of the people, expressed through the ballot box, must always be respected and upheld. Whether Nigerians have imbibed or exhibited lessons learnt from June 12 is another matter altogether.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

By Prof. Mike Ozekhome, SAN

INTRODUCTION

My attention has just been drawn to a raw viral diatribe, not a scholarly intervention or conversation, by one Mutalubi Ojo Adebayo. It is allegedly based on an interview I granted to Kayla Megwa on her Hardcopy programme. He made his evil intention known from the very beginning of his write-up which was to go after me (the messenger) and not the message (substance of my interview). My first reaction was to ignore his diatribe maximally as the rantings and lachrymal effusion from the tired eyes of an obviously envious and jealous warped soul who cannot contemplate the heights Almighty God has taken me to from my very humble beginnings. I did not want to swim in the gutters with him so as to prevent him from using me to gain traction and unearned presence. I later decided to respond to him lest his false rantings be mistaken for substance and truth. Truth be told, I have never heard of that fellow called Mutalabi Ojo Adebayo prior to today. And I will tell you how anon.

THE UNPROVOKED DIATRIBE

In no portion of my 25 minutes interview with HARD COPY anchored by Kayla Megwa did he tell the world one single thing he claimed I did wrong. Wearing the garb of a social media blogger who peddles cheap fake news like a drama Queen, Mutalubi, without touching the issues I discussed, simply engaged only in vicious insults, abuses, expletives, vituperations, all aimed at tarnishing my hard-earned and God-given image and reputation. This he also did to Mr. Peter Obi who did not even feature in the said interview. What manner of a character will simply attack people who did no wrong to him? If he thought I was going to sue him to court for defamation and thereby put him in undeserved limelight, he has woefully failed in his invidious mission of narcissism and ego-trip.

A SOUL THAT CAN NOT INTERROGATE ISSUES WITHOUT RESORT TO DIATRIBE

I am not surprised Mutalabi could not speak to the critical issues I raised. Afterall, going by his own words in his outing, his television set is “always and permanently” glued to Channels television and no more. He does not read widely (if he ever does at all); does not watch other major news outlets such as CNN, Fox, BBC, Al Jazeerah and the likes. He is thus limited in his warped circumscribed world view as he is ossified in his own small cocoon of ignorance. It is obvious that Mutalubi was merely out to settle scores with perceived or assumed enemies.

I never knew him before now. He was only mentioned to me by a friend after my attention was drawn to his uncouth and indecent outing. That was when I asked who exactly he was. I have never heard about him as a known contributor to issues concerning democracy, law, governance, human rights or national discourse. And he says he is a Senator and Senior Advocate?. Ha! I was also informed he is one of the ‘boys’ of the Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice, Prince Lateef Fagbemi, SAN. Did he do what he did to impress the learned Silk? I am not too sure his boss with whom I am quite friendly and have mutual respect for each other having crossed swords in many legal battles over the years will not disapprove of the unprovoked vitriol and fulmination of an angry soul that he is. A cerebral mind would have dwelt on the critical issues I raised in my interview (message), not on the messenger (me as a person).

THE CRITICAL ISSUES I RAISED IN MY INTERVIEW

ONE-PARTY STATE

Mutalubi could not fault me on my fears of a possible impending one-party state in Nigeria based on the various defections we are currently witnessing. I argued that a one-party state may lead to dictatorship, unbridled corruption, lack of checks and balances; and later implosion. I gave the example of the PDP which in 16 years became so powerful and so comfortable that it boasted it would rule for 60 years. It even engaged in deregistering members rather than driving for membership .I argued that if the fractured opposition does not put its act together, Tinubu may have only himself to beat in a race in which he will simply run against himself. Mutalubi did not and could not fault me. I believe he does not even understand the issue. (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RsIfiuUqRqs > accessed on 10th June, 2025).

OIL SUBSIDY REMOVAL

In my interview, I queried what the oil subsidy extra money was being used for in the last two years to improve the lives of the average Nigerian. I never even condemned the subsidy removal itself as the pseudo-critic brazenly lied about. I even encouraged President Tinubu in my interview to seize the momentous opportunity offered him by destiny to write his name in gold by putting the nation on a prosperous track. I advised him that great leaders are known when their countries are in deep crisis, citing historical figures such as Dwight Eisenhower, Winston Churchill, Abraham Lincoln, Mahatma Ghandi, etc, who squared up to challenges when their countries were troubled. Mutalubi probably did not hear this.

LAGOS-CALABAR COASTAL ROAD AND THE FLOATATION OF THE NAIRA

I also in my interview questioned the immediate relevance of the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Road costing over 11-12 Billion Dollars at a time Nigerians are dying of hunger, starvation and destitution. Mutalubi, the self-appointed economist, did not and could not fault me. He simply talked glibly about the necessity for floatation of the naira (an issue I did not even dwell on). For a man who narcissistically boasted of A1 in Economics at his Advanced level examination, I expected a rational discourse. He had none.

THE JUDICIARY

In the interview, I defended the Judiciary against its continued age-long marginalization and called for better welfare and salaries for Judges as a way of making corruption unattractive. On the JUSUN strike action, I wondered what value even the unpaid N70,000 minimum wage would add to its members’ lives having regard to the present high inflationary trend. He said nothing about these.

NASS, LOANS, ETC

I pointed out how 11,122 projects were infused into the 2025 budget (according to BudgIT, a Civil Society Organization), costing a whopping N6.93 trillion which represents 12.6 % of the total budget of N54.99 trillion. The self-assumed backyard economist said nothing. I lamented Nigeria’s staggering debt burden of about N150 trillion. Mutalubi only praised his paymasters as redeemers of Nigeria, even while contradictorily lamenting the near collapse of his wife’s rice business. On floatation of the naira which he invented as I did not discuss it, I thought I would hear him interrogate how our country that mostly relies on imports for survival and does not produce export-oriented goods, nor invest heavily in education, technology and skilled labour with added government incentives and tax holiday would leap forward like the Asian Tigers did.

Why would Nigeria which depends largely on a mono-product of oil and with multiple taxation, slow disputes-resolution mechanism, etc, float her helpless Naira currency against major ones? He said nothing about it other than to simply deploy defamatory words against me. What do we earn from exports as against imports to float the Naira, he did not say. I can understand him perfectly as a partisan card-carrying politician given to perks from the Master’s tables in the corridors of power and must therefore nurture be seen to his means of livelihood by trumpeting his paymasters’ perceived achievements. I am not like him.

Nigeria has been borrowing trillions of Naira on the head of generations yet unborn without stating how we will pay back, a point I clearly made in my interview. I am sure president Tinubu (I doubt if Mutalubi knows we are friends and have been so since the military locust years of the early 90s) whom I had good words for in some areas in my interview where I believed he has done well will be embarrassed reading this fawner and bootlicker’s lame defence of his government. I believe he does not need a Mutalubi. He has better media handlers. I wonder why, instead of exercising his right of freedom of expression by contradicting me through contribution to plurality of ideas, all that Mutalubi could do was to use acerbic expletives on me without provocation. His was nothing but the Shakespearean “tale told by an idiot, full of sound and fury signifying nothing” (Macbeth, Act V, Scene V, lines 17-28).

I CANNOT BE PSEUDO IN ANYTHING I HAVE TOUCHED

 Without meaning to descend into Mutalubi’s nadir of vain-glorious egocentricism and opportunism (what he falsely accused me of), the bad news for Mutalubi is that I had made A1 in Economics in my WAEC’s WASC in the 70s. I read authoritative books on economics authored by great Nigerian economists such as Areoye Ayebola and Gabriel Adekunle Aromolaran (later Owa Obokun of Ijesha land). I was already reading Economics as one of my majors in my A Levels at Baptist Academy, Lagos, before I was offered three consecutive admissions in the then Concessional Entrance Examination (as it was then called), to UNN, Nsukka, University of Ibadan and the University of Ife (now OAU), Ile-Ife. I chose Ife. I finished Law at Ife and also lectured there.

I am happy to announce to Mutalubi that some of my constitutional law and Nigerian Legal System classes students at that time (without mentioning their names) are today some of the best Justices of the Court of Appeal and Judges of the Federal High Court and High Courts across Nigeria. I also taught constitutional law at the Benson Idahosa University (BIU), Benin City and some of my then students are already nearly 20 years at the Bar. In case the non- reading Mutalubi does not know, I am an author of over 75 books (I launched a whole 50 books on a single occasion to mark my 67th birthday in October, 2024). Some of my earliest law books are the Nigerian Law of Locus Standi, the Nigerian Law of Contract and Nigerian Company and Partnership Law and Practice, all written in 1988 when I was barely 7 years at the Bar and when Mutalubi was struggling with his HSC ).

Thus, by 1988 when he was still writing his A Level papers, I had already authored my first three law books as a young lawyer and researcher. He can easily find many of my books on Amazon and other international outlets. Indeed, one of my books, Commercial and Economic Law in Nigeria has since been published as Volume 91 (2021) in the International Encyclopedia of Laws. And Mutalubi questions my professorship? I have always been a scholar and law teacher aside being a courtroom lawyer and rights activist. I have visiting professorship in constitutional law from some first rate Universities, including the Afe Babalola University (ABUAD), Ado Ekiti; Abia State University, Uturu, Abia State, Philomath University, Abuja; and Gregory University, Uturu, Abia State; etc.

I write columns for 8 newspapers every week and I have done this since 2014. With a view to strengthening and widening the depth and breadth of democracy and good governance in Nigeria, I have been a public speaker and social critic, delivering tons of lectures every year at major intellectual gatherings that seek to build a just nation driven by egalitarianism, religious and ethnic tolerance and respect for human rights, human dignity and the rule of law. I was a Federal Government delegate at the 2005 National Political Conference, the Vision 2020 Conference and the 2014 National Conference where, with all humility, I was pronounced “THE CICERO OF THE 2014 NATIONALCONFERENCE” by the conference leadership of late Hon Justice Idris Legbo Kutigi (JSC, of blessed memory) (Chairman) and distinguished elderstatesman, Prof Bolaji Akinyemi (Vice Chairman).

So, there is nothing pseudo about me. I am real, legit and genuine. As a trail blazer in human rights activism in Nigeria, I co-founded the first human rights organization in Nigeria-the Civil Liberties Organization (CLO) – which was birthed on 15th October, 1998. Some Nigerian patriots and I fought against military incursion, dictatorship and occupation of Nigeria, using the CLO and the Joint Action Committee of Nigeria, JACON (which I also co-founded with legendary Chief Gani Fawehinmi, with me as  its national Vice Chairman, publicity and publications).

I also used the platform of my solely founded Universal Defenders of Democracy, UDD (now Universal Defenders of Justice Initiative (UDJI) to fight military dictatorship. I do not know where Mutalubi was at that time. I was one of the founding Assistant Editors of the Nigerian Weekly Law Report (NWLR).  Indeed, I suggested its name and colour to its founder, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, SAN, GCON. We launched it on Tuesday, 1^st October, 1985, while I was Chief Gani’s Deputy Head of Chambers.

A mere Google search will show these and more. I have never heard about one Mutalubi contributing to our country’s development, growth and re-engineering. He is obviously one of the docile Nigerians I referred to into my interview who withdraws into their comfort zones and eat crumbs from their political masters’ tables.

EMEFIELE’S CASE

Mutalubi accused me of handling the case of Mr. Godwin Emefiele, the former Governor of Central Bank and claimed I later left him in limbo during jis criminal trial. Satanic verse. A life from the pit of hell!

Mr. Emefiele had revealed his interest to run for the 2023 presidential election and addressed the issue following reports that a group had purchased the ₦100 million presidential nomination and expression of interest forms of the All Progressives Congress (APC) on his behalf. The news was that some opponents were working hard to prevent him from running because at that time, he was still the Governor of CBN and had not resigned his appointment. He then desired to sue the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) and the Attorney-General of the Federation, asking for the determination of certain questions and with a request for the court to restrain them from compelling him to resign as the CBN Governor in order to contest the 2023 elections (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-00omOUZNuQ > accessed on 10th June, 2025).

Emefiele’s briefing to me through our mutual friend was simple and straightforward: the question was whether the 1999 Constitution, Emefiele was qualified to run for the office of the president. And yes, he was. I analysed all the relevant provisions of the Constitution and found that he was so qualified to run (https://punchng.com/emefiele-heads-for-court-as-anger-spreads-over-presidential-ambition/> accessed on 10th June, 2025). We held a meeting with the mutual friend and then went to court. While the case was progressing, he later instructed me to withdraw the matter as the then President, Buhari had instructed him to discontinue with his presidential ambition. He did not pay me one kobo himself. The mutual friend of ours (name withheld) had actually briefed me on his behalf before we met. It was this mutual friend who paid me an agreed fee. I am not aware he or Emefiele paid me ‘tons of millions of naira” or that I extorted same from Emefiele as falsely claimed by Mutalubi. Mutalubi’s recklessness drove him to accuse me of champerty and or extorting money from Emefiele as professional fees. I challenge him to provide proof of those vile and false allegations. When Emefiele was later arrested and detained, I was one of the very first few Nigerians to publicly condemn his detention without trial (https://www.thisdaylive.com/2023/08/15/ozekhome-emefiele-bawa-victims-of-executive-lawlessness/?amp> accessed on 10th June, 2025). I could not have briefed myself or urged Emefiele to brief me to handle his subsequent criminal matters when he was eventually charged to court I have never in my 44 years of legal practice asked a client for any brief. His right to a counsel of his own choice is constitutionally guaranteed (see section 36 of the 1999 Constitution). How then could I have abandoned him? Has Mutalubi ever heard of the CAB-RANK RULE, or the 22nd November, 1967 decision in Rondel v Worsely (1967) 3 WLR 1666 and the immortal dictum of Lord Denning in it? I very much doubt,  as he does not read. He is more of a politician and a Channels television addict than a serious lawyer. I heard he was an Attorney General of Oyo State? Gosh!!! Not even a roadside vulcanizer would be that irresponsible.

Did Mutalabi have to insult me simply because he disagrees with my views in favour of his paymasters? Do I have to agree with the situation of the mass suffering that is currently ravaging Nigeria and not comment on it when even under the military Tinubu and I could fiercely interrogate governmental actions? Let him tell us how much his wife is selling rice whose price he claims has crashed? If she can sell a bag of rice for between N50,000 and N70,000 (minimum wage) my foundation – Mike Ozekhome Foundation (MOF) – will immediately order 100 bags from her. His jealous streak actually ran riotous when he rolled out a list of his preferred lawyer- idols which list he claimed I do not belong to. The small list is only as far as his little mind could go. I am not in any competition with anybody. So, I do not begrudge him. He also rolled out a list of his favorite television personalities. I also do not begrudge him, though many will not agree with it, having deliberately left out some celebrated stars who may not be in his vindictive books.

SOME OF MY WORKS

My numerous works are visible on marble for all to see – activism, pro-democracy works, human rights, social critic, the academia, researcher and author of law and sundry books on different thematic areas; writer and contributor to national discourse; frequent guest and the keynote lecturer; advocate of traditional institution; defender of the masses, music and movie industry; law, governance, church, community, family, etc. Truth is that I wear so many caps which Mutalubi in his little warped mind cannot simply fathom. He cannot understand how one man can combine all these things aside his normal rigorous legal practice and daily court appearances. He erroneously sees me only from the prism of the usual lawyer, in which, with all humility), I have equally excelled – SAN, Life Bencher, FCIArb, NEC member for many years; handler of numerous jurisprudentially-defining cases in Nigerian courts, up to the apex court; and Counsel at the International Criminal Court (ICC), the Hague, Netherlands.

Thus, because of my coats of many colours (thanks, Dolly Parton), I am entitled to “adorn and embellish” my chambers (he did not say in the public) “various photographs and personalities” (where else would I keep them?) of my idols in many fields, such as Lord Denning, Justice J.I.C Taylor, Chief Gani Fawehinmi, Martin Luther King Jr, Malcolm X, Marcus Garvey, Mahatma Gandhi; some select traditional rulers; statesmen and women, et al. It is in the same way he was free to list his pet idol-lawyers. I do not begrudge him at all, even if I do not agree with his subjective list. Mutalubi surely reasons “ad absurdum”. I pity him. It strains reason and sense for him to suggest that I would be advertising myself in my own personal office to “unsuspecting members of the public who are gullible”. I pity this man. He sure deserves pity.

Nowhere is it stated in our law books that a chambers office, should contain only law books and nothing more. I am happy to note that he was merely a bag-carrier for late Governor Akerodolu (Aketi; my good friend of many decades right from Ife days in the 70s). So, Mutalabi was just an adult carrying Aketi’s bag at a time Aketi already considered me important and fit enough as a stake holder whose voice mattered for the realization of his NBA presidency. And we worked very hard for him and he won. And Mutalubi now thinks he can diminish this? He cannot, even as an historical revisionist that he is.

DRAWING THE CURTAINS

Mutalubi gleefully signed off his nonsensical writeup with eclat, by listing his traditional chieftaincy titles obtained in two communities in two local Governments Areas of Oyo State. Congratulations! The bad news for Mutalubi is that I hold dozens of major traditional chieftaincy titles across the length and breadth of Nigeria (North, South, East and West), including his own Yoruba land. For the record, I am the Ba’Loro of Igando, Lagos (1995); the Bamofin of Ijaniki Kingdom, Lagos (2014); and the Maiyegun Baamofin of Ido-Osun, Osun State (2016). By the grace of Almighty God and Jesus Christ of Nazareth, no man (least Mutalubi) can pull me down from God’s height through puerile writeups.

He should grow up and let go of his pent-up grievances, envy and “bad belle” that are fiercely eating him up over someone else’s progress. Let him stay on his own lane, and I, mine. He should allow “Oga Mike continue to interrogate governments and speak truth to power as I have done for well over 40 years. He is also very free to carry out his own defence of his pet government that he christens “divine” and bootlick it till eternity. It is his right to do so. The two are mutually exclusive. But he must eschew personal attacks on contributors to our national resurgimento like me. He is not one of them.

Watch the video that began it all below.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

By Olufunke Baruwa

Every year, on the third day after Eid-el-Kabir, the ancient town of Ijebu-Ode in Ogun State, Southwest Nigeria transforms into a vibrant cultural stage for the Ojude Oba festival—a spectacular convergence of tradition, religion, and royalty that celebrates Yoruba identity and communal pride.

What began as a modest homage to a monarch by early Muslim converts in the 19th century has evolved into one of Nigeria’s most vibrant displays of cultural heritage, showcasing the power of tradition to unite, inspire, and renew.

Ojude Oba, “the King’s forecourt” in Yoruba, is not just a festival. It is a symbolic act of homage, a living record of Ijebu history, and a reminder of how Nigeria’s diverse cultures can exist in harmony. In an era when modernity often threatens to erase tradition, Ojude Oba stands tall as a beacon of cultural resilience and pride.

History has it that long before Christianity and Islam, there was the Ode Nla Festival, a practice of paying homage to the monarch, ‘Awujale’ of Ijebu land by dignitaries and subjects with their symbols of worship. This practice morphed into Ojude Oba as we know it today during a time of religious transition.

A Cultural History Rooted in Identity

In the 1800s, as Christianity expanded into Ijebu-Ode, monogamy was a condition for new converts. Balogun Kuku, a wealthy and influential man with more than thirty wives and hundreds of slaves, converted to Islam instead, which had no restrictions, and influenced many Ijebus.

Earlier, Balogun Kuku led the Ode Nla Festival honouring deities and the Awujale. Islam however, discouraged such practices. Rather than abandoning the festival, he initiated a new festival called Ita-Oba festival, later renamed Ojude Oba aligning with his faith that preserved respect for culture. This quickly became a beloved tradition featuring a colourful cultural carnival with elaborate processions, competitions, horse-riding displays, music, fashion, and the full splendour of Ijebu pageantry.

At the heart of Ojude Oba lies a carefully curated cultural architecture and richness epitomised by the parade of age grades known as Regberegbe groups. These social clubs, organised by age and gender, have existed for centuries. Each group dons strikingly coordinated attire and takes turns to salute the Awujale, showcase their community projects and achievements, and demonstrate unity, wealth, and creativity.

Next are the aristocratic Baloguns—descendants of Ijebu warlords—who arrive on horseback in regalia reminiscent of ancient warriors. Their equestrian parades, often choreographed to drums and praise chants, embody the martial history of the Ijebu people and serve as a living bridge between the past and present.

Ojude Oba is also a major fashion statement and a makeshift runway for Yoruba haute couture of aso-oke, damask, lace, embroidery, beadwork, and luxurious gele and fila headwear come together in an explosion of elegance and pride. In recent years, fashion influencer Farooq Oreagba, aka Mr. Steeze, has dominated the festival’s style scene. He describes Ojude Oba as a “leveller” where all members of age groups, regardless of wealth or status, come together in shared celebration.

A Platform for Social and Cultural Cohesion

In Nigeria’s complex mosaic of religion and ethnicity, Ojude Oba offers a powerful counter-narrative of social cohesion, culture, history, identity and civic responsibility welcoming Muslims, Christians, and followers of African traditional religion alike. The presence of dignitaries, traditional rulers, politicians, business leaders, and citizens from across Nigeria underscores the unifying power of culture.

Beyond its symbolic and historical significance, Ojude Oba is a major economic driver for the region. The festival attracts thousands of visitors annually, including members of the Ijebu diaspora, tourists, scholars, and culture enthusiasts. Hotels, restaurants, tailors, event planners, photographers, traders, and transport operators all benefit from the massive influx of people. The town’s economy receives a significant boost and patronage each year.

Corporate sponsorship from telecoms, banking, and consumer goods companies has professionalised festival management, blending tradition with commerce. This partnership highlights how cultural heritage can be ethically monetised, preserving authenticity while enabling growth.

The festival has gained international attention, with media coverage spreading across Africa and the diaspora. For Nigeria, a country still battling to diversify its economy beyond oil, Ojude Oba is a compelling case study in how cultural tourism can be developed into a viable industry. It is also an opportunity to tell positive stories of beauty, resilience, tradition, and pride about the country.

In many societies today, the allure of global pop culture has eroded indigenous traditions. Festivals like Ojude Oba, however, prove that modernisation need not come at the cost of cultural identity. The festival affirms Ijebu, Yoruba, and Nigerian heritage, providing younger generations with a strong sense of belonging and pride.

The festival also serves as an important archival function. The processions, songs, attire, and oral histories recited during the celebrations contribute to the preservation of cultural knowledge that might otherwise be lost. In a world where language and tradition are increasingly endangered, such festivals are a lifeline.

There is growing advocacy for Ojude Oba’s recognition by UNESCO as part of Nigeria’s intangible cultural heritage. Such status would bring global attention and stimulate investments in infrastructure and preservation.

Leadership and Legacy

The current Awujale of Ijebu land, Oba Sikiru Kayode Adetona, has played a monumental role in nurturing the festival, elevating it to national prominence. Since his ascension to the throne in 1960, he has led with vision, wisdom, and an unwavering commitment to preserving Ijebu culture.

Under his reign, the festival has transformed from a local Islamic observance to a globally recognised cultural event. His efforts to institutionalise the Regberegbe system, modernise the palace infrastructure, and promote Ijebu unity have had a lasting impact. Ojude Oba, under his guidance, has become both a mirror and a map—a reflection of Ijebu’s past and a guide to its future.

The role of traditional institutions in modern Nigeria has been widely debated, especially in the context of governance, democracy, and development. Ojude Oba offers a powerful rebuttal to those who dismiss traditional leadership as outdated and shows how culture and leadership can intersect to strengthen social capital, drive development, and instil values.

As we move deeper into the 21st century, the relevance of festivals like Ojude Oba becomes even more critical. Nigeria faces immense challenges, economic uncertainty, insecurity, political disillusionment, and social fragmentation. In such times, people often look to tradition for stability, meaning, and hope. Culture becomes a compass, proof that faith and tradition can coexist, that history must be celebrated and not forgotten, and that leadership rooted in service and vision can truly transform communities.

To sustain the festival’s momentum, deliberate efforts must be made to document its history, mentor the next generation of organisers, and develop infrastructure that can support its growing scale. Policymakers must begin to treat cultural festivals as strategic assets worthy of investment, protection, and global promotion.

Ojude Oba is more than a festival, it is a living monument to Ijebu ingenuity, a ceremonial embrace of history, and a vibrant testament to the enduring power of culture. In a country often caught in the throes of division, it offers a teachable moment in unity and identity.

The 2025 Ojude Oba was not just another spectacular array of culture and tradition, beauty and pageantry but also a reflection on the concept of community, resilience, and the limitless potential of culture as a force for good.

By Funke Egbemode

KOKO: Is this how Nigeria is finally going to become a one-party state?

Kaka: Nigeria is not capable of becoming a one-party state, trust me.

Koko: It is either you are suffering from a bad case of high fever or you are in denial. Can you not see or hear what is going on around you?

Kaka: Because some politicians are changing locations?

Koko: They are many. They are porting, defecting, jumping ship.

Kaka: You are going to burst an artery because a few politicians are moving from PDP and LP to APC? You are the one with fever but I can and will cure you.

Koko: Cure me with what? Do you have a magic wand to make those who have defected to return to their original locations? Maybe you should just wave it so there will be peace in our political space.

Kaka: The problem with you is you like to swallow Panadol for another man’s headache. Look, brace yourself, more politicians will port or jump ship as you have described it in the days ahead. Indeed, the 2027 election most likely will be just a formality because by then, everybody would be in APC.

Koko: And you are sitting there calmly and telling me one-party state is not possible in Nigeria?

Kaka: I am not just telling you Nigeria is not going to become a one-party state, I am assuring you that one-party state is not in the destiny of Nigeria.

Koko: You are now an astrologer or ‘babalawo’, abi?

Kaka: You don’t have to be a star-gazer to see what I am seeing. You just need to be less emotional. You and I will break it down together and you will see that what is going on will be short-lived. It is like the 10 o’clock recess we used to have in primary school in those days.

Koko: By the time you pulled up your shorts in the toilet, the bell would have gone and we would all be running back to our classrooms. So, who is going to ring the bell in this matter?

Kaka: The politicians themselves are the time–keepers.

Koko: I am confused.

Kaka: Nigerian politicians, most of them, are driven by greed and selfishness. They are not in that your political space to serve. It is just a money-making venture for them, service is what they do as a side hustle to hoodwink us. It is that greed and selfishness that will ruin whatever they think they have perfected now.

Koko: In other words, they are not defecting to serve us?

Kaka: Are they driving you to work in their tear-rubber vehicles? Dey play.

Koko: But they are representing us.

Kaka: How many of you are they representing?

Koko: All of us.

Kaka: So, they called you to a meeting to ask for your opinion on this defection frenzy?

Koko: No, not exactly. But leave all those details. Tell me how everybody migrating into one political party will not turn Nigeria into a one-party state.

Kaka: For starters, those governors who have moved have done so with their whole structures. They were leaders in their old parties as governors.

Koko: Yes, all governors are leaders of their parties in their states.

Kaka: The parties they are coming into have existing structures and leaders and the migrants are not political minions. The old leaders and the new ones are now struggling for space.

Koko: I see where this is going to. I see clash of leaders.

Kaka: You are seeing well.

Koko: But so far, they have not fought.

Kaka: They are doing press-ups. It is still early days yet. At worst, they are pretending to be friends. Soon, the gloves will come off and agbadas will start flying with unprintable expletives.

Koko: They are leaders. They will not fight in the open.

Kaka: They will fight in the marketplace. They will fight on Arise Television and Channels. Seun Okinbaloye will separate old men fighting. You will see them on TVC and AIT bringing out juju and threatening one another.

Koko: Members of the same party? That will be like the masquerade removing his own veil.

Kaka: These masquerades have no veil. They only have interests, permanent self-interest. If it is not working for them, it will not work for any of us. How can some people who have benefited in full in PDP come into APC to benefit in full again?

Koko: Are you a member of PDP?

Kaka: That is not the point here. Even PDP, I’m not sure, of who its members are right now. The frenzied movement is dizzying.

Koko: Well, it will still be only one party, irrespective of whatever kind of fight they choose to do.

Kaka: No. They won’t be able to stay in their bubble for long. See, the old leaders had promised their followers certain positions which the new leaders and the people they are bringing also want. The P.As want to be SSA. The commissioners want to become D-Gs and Ministers and Ambassadors. The sharing formula will now have to be re-shared because there are now many leaders. As the leaders are fighting, so will the followers.

Koko: Are you predicting an implosion?

Kaka: I am telling you that politicians will do whatever they need to do to get to where they want to go.

Koko: Hmmm, they will board any vehicle that will take them to their destination.

Kaka: Didn’t PDP look formidable and impregnable once upon a time? Did the members not strut like peacocks and told us they would be in power for 60 years?

Koko: Then we woke up one day and there was New PDP, with governors leading a rebellion that eventually sank the ship.

Kaka: God forbid, it will not happen in APC.

Koko: Amen.

Kaka: What kind of an unbeliever’s amen is that?

Koko: So now you know there are different kinds of amen. Wait until 10 people want the same APC flag.

Kaka: Baba knows how to whip everybody into line. He is a quintessential strategist. Why do you think everybody is falling all over themselves to be in his camp?

Koko: All that is true. Close your eyes for a minute, travel to 2031 when Baba would have finished his second term. Tell me, did you see a successor with the same charm and grip on the reins? What then?

Kaka: That bridge is too far ahead.

Koko: Perhaps. I don’t even think we will have to wait till 2031 before we start seeing things. Wait until it gets to the season of party primaries. Selfishness will clash with entitlement mentality. We-have-been-here-for-years will go to war with carpetbaggers.

Kaka: it is always a difficult season.

Koko: I find it colourful and entertaining. The mud-slinging would read like movie scripts.

Kaka: And that is when a new coalition will surface?

Koko: All the unhappy, aggrieved people will bandy together and start addressing press conferences right, left and center. They will all suddenly discover their love for us the oppressed and beleaguered people of the Federal Republic. Then they would form a new group and call it one saintly name.

Kaka: You are saying that coalitions are formed by politicians for politicians and not for the people?

Koko: I am saying it with my whole mouth. And that is why Nigeria cannot become a one-party state.

Kaka: There is no single party that can accommodate the ambition of all of them. They will never agree on anything when it comes to who gets the longest convoy. When eight people throw their hats in the ring for governorship primaries, they all somehow, unexplainably, believe they will all win. When one person wins, the others start a war, sometimes seven different wars of the defeated.

Koko: That is what will happen beginning from 2026.

Kaka: Baba will control it, don’t worry.

Koko: When Baba retires to Lagos in 2031, these ones I am looking at will set the house on fire if they don’t get what they want o.

Kaka: Or they will migrate again and board another All Purpose Vehicle.

Koko: And bring back to life PRP or GNPP.

Kaka: Chaiii! I can almost hear Alhaji Aminu Kano and Waziri Ibrahim groaning in their graves.

Koko: For politicians, the parties they form are like limited liability companies. The companies are kept alive for as long as it is profitable but the moment they start losing elections and relevance, they file for bankruptcy and go back to the drawing board.

Kaka: Is that what Baba Olu Falae meant when he said a one-party state is not possible in Nigeria?

Koko: Exactly and he should know. Baba, who is a politician, a presidential candidate and now a traditional ruler said and I quote, ‘efforts will be made to have a one-party state but once the purpose for which it has been arranged is achieved, everybody goes back to his base.’

Kaka: Without every party collapsing into PDP like they are doing to APC, PDP lasted only 16 years. The way all of them are showing hot love for the ruling party, I am afraid.

Koko: I suspect they are all going there for their selfish reasons…

Kaka: Or out of vengeance…

Koko: You think they want to go and destroy APC systematically, from within?

Kaka: I know their thoughts are not pure. I know they are like cattle egrets. They do not and cannot stay in one place.

The views expressed by contributors are strictly personal and not of Law & Society Magazine.

Introduction

Last week, a public notice was issued that the Lagos Division of the Federal High Court of Nigeria will commence digitisation of its registry effective June 23, 2025. From the reports, filing of cases and documents in the court will only be through its e-filing portal. This is contained in a press release signed by the Chief Registrar of the Court.

Commendation for Effective Management of Lagos Division

First, I must hasten to commend My Lord the Honourable the Chief Judge of the Federal High Court, the Administrative Judge in charge of the Lagos Division of the Court and all Judges sitting in all the courts of the Lagos Division. You only need to visit the registry in Lagos to experience the pressure arising from the volume of cases being filed and handled in the Lagos Division. I do always marvel at the strength and grace with which the judges handled their cases given the volume of work involved.

The Federal High Court was originally conceived as a revenue court for the Federal Government of Nigeria in an attempt to whittle down the influence of judgments of the High Court of the States and create some balance for the determination of matters relating to the revenue of the Federation. Over the years and especially under the military administration of General Sani Abacha (Retd.), the jurisdiction of the Court was expanded to cover a range of subject matters exclusively. Since then, the workload of the Court has ballooned beyond the capacity of its personnel. This was recently made worse by the amendment to the Electoral Act to grant exclusive jurisdiction to the Court in all pre-election matters with a time limit to hear and determine them.

For some years now, the Lagos Division of the Court has undergone massive improvement in the area of assignment of cases, reform of the registry and the entire architecture of the various courts in the Division except in the area of space and sitting arrangement for lawyers and litigants in the courtrooms, which will soon be a thing of the past with the expected commissioning of the new office complex on Bourdillon Road. These reforms have become so successful and commendable such that most lawyers and litigants prefer to file their cases in the Federal High Court where the law permits a choice. The filing process is simple and friendly and the staff of the registry are very disciplined and they demonstrate a sense of accountability.

Ugly incidences of touting and sharp practice are very rare within the court given the strict adherence to rules and ethics by the entire staff. Within a week of filing any case, you are sure of its assignment to a court, even in the absence of an affidavit of urgency. This has taken commitment and tireless devotion to duty on the part of the leadership of the division no doubt and it is very commendable. One can therefore understand the need for digitisation of the process of filing cases. But there is need for caution, as filing and prosecution of cases go beyond e-filing and processing; they involve the consideration and application of fundamental issues relating to the constitutional rights of the litigants and their lawyers.

Need to Avoid Hasty Implementation

By the content of the press release issued to notify the general public of the commencement of digital filing, there is no option for manual filing of processes in the Lagos Division as from June 23, 2025, which is less than a month’s notice. This is indeed the first issue. The Federal High Court has already issued a notice of commencement of its 2025 annual long vacation from July 28 to September 16, 2025. The implementation of the e-filing regime can be delayed till the new legal year in September 2025 to give enough time for lawyers and litigants to prepare themselves for the new system. The second reason for proposing a postponement of the e-filing regime is that of facilities, space and convenience. All things being equal, the Lagos Division of the Court should relocate to its ultra-modern new court complex very soon. That should be the best time to implement a laudable idea such as this, in order to create appropriate sections and offices that are well-suited for its operations and effectiveness. The registry of the present Federal High Court cannot accommodate the volume of work associated with e-filing, at least going by the current experience in other courts where this has been experimented. But the issue does not even end with postponement of the e-filing as there are many fundamental issues that the proposal has thrown up.

Holistic Digitization

The notice of digitisation issued by the Court limits its application to only filing of cases. Now, there should be no half measures in the application of such robust innovation. It is either we are digitising the court or we are not. Will litigants file their processes digitally and judges will thereafter conduct their proceedings manually? Will it now be possible for lawyers to apply for and obtain certified true copies of record of proceedings, of rulings and judgments digitally? Will the cause list of all the courts in the Lagos Division be made available digitally on the website of the Court for all lawyers and litigants to take notice? Will lawyers and litigants be notified digitally and in advance of the itinerary of presiding judges, especially when for one reason or the other the court may not sit on any given date or occasion? In this proposed e-filing system, deponents to affidavits and statements on oath must still visit the court registry physically to swear before the Commissioner for Oaths for the process to be complete.

I urge My Lords to look into this or else it defeats the whole essence of e-filing. Then comes the issue of service of processes filed digitally. Presently, the Federal High Court (Civil Procedure) Rules specify personal service of all originating processes along with the documents filed. Is the plaintiff to file his claim and documents digitally and the court will serve them manually, in cases where the email, phone number or other digital address of the defendant is not known? How will the digital regime affect substituted service of processes on the adversary by posting or by advertisement in the newspapers, all of which are carefully and deliberately provided for in the extant Rules of the Court? Service of originating processes and documents is fundamental because of the issue of fair hearing, as the court must accord due regard to the rights of all persons before the determination of their civil rights and obligations.

Effect of Absence of Durable Infrastructure on Digitisation

Then comes the issue of infrastructure. Nigeria is currently struggling with durable power supply and internet coverage. Many people rely on alternative private power supply, which involves expenses of diesel and petrol. For reasons best known to the telecommunications companies, network coverage has become very challenging. Will lawyers file their processes digitally and then come to argue their cases manually with hard copies of processes and documents already submitted electronically? What about the issue of confidentiality? Presently, documents submitted to the court are classified as strictly confidential, because they sometimes involve very private issues relating to Wills, financial details and other classified documents.

Even in the most sophisticated jurisdictions, hackers have made nonsense of digital platforms and subjected the private lives of persons to public ridicule. What about litigants and lawyers operating in remote areas, where internet coverage is very poor and there is no power supply? How do they catch up with digitization? It is important to ensure that this lofty idea is not implemented in any way that may cause justice to be out of the reach of ordinary Nigerians who are mostly the victims of abuses, violations and denial of rights. Legal practice should not be the vocation of the elites alone, given the express provisions of section 6 (6) (b) of the Constitution which grants unfettered right of access to justice to every person.

Appeal Process Cannot be Digitised

Then comes the issue of appeal and the process of settlement, compilation and transmission of record of appeal. Presently, the Court of Appeal operates a manual registry. Will record of appeal be transmitted digitally from the Federal High Court to the Court of Appeal to be printed and used manually? This is important because the Federal High Court cannot operate in isolation of other courts that it is statutorily connected and attached to.

Conclusion and Appeal

It is against this background that I humbly appeal to the authorities of the Court to consider suspending or delaying the implementation of the digital filing regime until the Lagos Division has moved to its permanent and new location. Let the staff of the court in charge of this process continue to engage and interact with the Nigerian Bar Association, lawyers and litigants for the purpose of achieving robust enlightenment. And even when it commences, let digitisation run contemporaneously with manual filing until such a time that all those who patronise the court have become accustomed with the new system, just in the same way that the Central Bank of Nigeria has continued to allow the old and new Naira notes to both co-exist as legal tenders. Innovative ideas should not deprive the people of justice that they richly deserve and desperately long.