The Kaduna State governor, Nasir El-Rufai has mandated the residents of Kaduna to one thousand Naira (N1,000) annually as development levy.
The Executive Chairman of the agency, Dr Zaid Abubakar said at a news conference in Kaduna, that as from 2021, every adult residing in the state would be made to pay the levy in line with the provision of Section 9 (2) of the Kaduna State Tax Codification and Consolidation Law, 2020.
“This will only be achieved by payment of taxes and levies, which will be ploughed back into the economy for the residents to enjoy the dividend of democracy.
“As the name implies, the development levy is for the development of the state. We are all living witnesses of the economic transformation taking place in the state.
“This is evident with the ongoing massive roads construction, renovation, upgrade and equipping of hospitals and schools, and provision of the needed infrastructure for development to thrive,’’ he said
Abubakar explained that the levy was based on the constitutional provision that allows states to collect an amount, on annual basis, from residents, designated as either development levy or economic development levy.
The chairman said that the levy would be collected by KADIRS in collaboration with the 23 Local Government Areas of the state and traditional rulers, adding that the modalities would be made public soon
A former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Babachir Lawal on Sunday said the actions and utterances of Governor Nasir El-Rufai of Kaduna state has further worsened the crisis in Southern Kaduna, adding that the governor is not sympathetic to the issues in the area.
Speaking in an interview with Daily Independent, Lawal who condemned the marginalization of Christians in Kaduna and other parts of the North gave credit to a former governor of the state, Ahmed Makarfi whom according to him handled the crisis well during his tenure because he saw the issue from an ethnic and not religious point of view.
“Initially, I think from 1980, most of the problems of Southern Kaduna are ethnic. When Ahmed Makarfi became governor, he understood that most of the issues were ethnic than religious and he was able to address it. Roads were being constructed equally in all parts of the state; traditional institutions were strengthened in all parts of the state. Everybody was getting his fair share of the resources that the state has and the matter didn’t get out of hand”.
“The problem I see in Kaduna is that the state government led by Governor Nasir El-Rufai is not sensitive to the issues. Their utterances simply indicate that they are not sympathetic to the issues. Like I saw a write-up by Shehu Sani today, he said when it happened in Zamfara, government calls it banditry and they sympathized with the affected communities but when it happens in Southern Kaduna, government starts to explain what is happening, rather than calling a spade exactly what it is and sympathising with the people”
“So, it depends on how the government handles the issue at all levels; from the federal to the state to local government and ward levels. I remember when the banditry started in Sokoto and they overran a village, the state governor with all his cabinets went there to sympathise with the victims. They went with blankets, food items and other basic things. In some states, they don’t do that; rather than do that, they will even insult the communities that are the victims.
“That is what is happening. Incompetent governors and rulers in the North are responsible. The North is full of incompetent rulers. All they want is to ride in convoys and people are hailing and waving at them. When they come home, people sit on the mats while they are the only ones sitting on a chair because they are governors.
” They see themselves as Deputy Jesus. They are not interested in serving the people, all they care about is ruling”. Babachir who also faulted exclusion of Christians from key political positions in Kaduna state despite their population said the issue may boomerang as future generations may not accept it.
“Why should Kaduna end up with Muslim governor and Muslim deputy governor? The Speaker is Muslim as well as the Deputy Speaker. Two cabinet ministers are also Muslims. There are about six or seven local governments in Kaduna that are predominantly Christians”.
“Nigeria must look at these issues because the day it will explode, it will surprise everybody. While elders like us are willing to tolerate these things because of peace and harmony, our children may not be able to do so because they can’t accept to be northerners only during election periods and suffer neglect when positions are shared”.
Governor Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi administration, through the institute’s Governing Council under the leadership of Deaconess (Mrs.) Ifeoma Nwobodo and the Management led by the Rector, Prof. Austin Nweze, has embarked on the construction of four massive academic buildings (three already completed), including other structures, to address the challenges associated with shortage of classrooms, laboratories, studios and offices.
This, according to a statement by the institution, is in line with the concerted efforts to transform the foremost state-owned Institute of Management and Technology (IMT) Enugu, into a degree-awarding institution.
The Ugwuanyi administration, in furtherance of its commitment to return IMT to its past glory had approved the sum of N282 million for the prime institution to pursue the re-accreditation of 48 academic programmes.
It had rehabilitated the internal roads, renovated the Administrative Block, Mass Communication Block, Engineering Blocks including other buildings, and had gone further to ensure that the institution held its first academic convocation after 11 years.
Besides the scholarship offered to 340 indigent engineering students of IMT Enugu, the state government is up-to-date in release of monthly subvention to the institute which enables it to pay salaries of workers regularly as well as promote and train the staff, among other remarkable achievements.
Petroleum Products Marketing Company (PPMC), a subsidiary of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), has increased the ex-depot price of Premium Motor Spirit (PMS), also known as petrol, to N155.17 per litre from N147.67 per litre.
This was contained in a internal memo by the PPMC with reference number PPMC/C/MK/003 and dated November 11, 2020.
PPMC’s Manager (Marketing), Tijjani Ali R., signed the memo that was addressed to the EDC.
According to the memo, the new ex-depot price would take effect from Friday, November 13, 2020.
The ex-depot price is the price at which the product is sold by the PPMC to marketers at the depots.
In its PMS price proposal for November, the PPMC reportedly put the landing cost of petrol at N128.89 per litre, up from N119.77 per litre in September/October.
It stated that the estimated minimum pump price of the product would increase to N161.36 per litre from N153.86 per litre.
National Operation Controller, Independent Petroleum Marketers Association of Nigeria, Mr Mike Osatuyi, according to a report, said the over N7 increase in ex-depot price would translate into an increase in pump prices.
He was quoted to have said,l that “the implication of the increase in the ex-depot price is that there is going to be an increase in the pump price. We are expecting the pump price to range from N168 to N170 per litre. Crude oil price is going up,”
The implication of this, according to feelers from sundry quarters in the industry, is that the Federal Government has fully deregulated petrol prices.
Following the deregulation of petrol prices in September, marketers across the country adjusted their pump prices to between N158 and N162 per litre to reflect the increase in global oil prices.
Petrol price band had also risen from N121.50–N123.50 per litre in June to N140.80-N143.80 in July and N148-N150 in August.
Minister of State for Petroleum Resources, Timipre Sylva, said in September that the government had stepped back in fixing the price of petrol, adding that market forces and crude oil price would continue to determine the cost of the product. (Additional reports from The Punch)
“I’ve been getting calls. I’ve been getting many calls, David. You have been writing things. Have you seen the SSS Headquarters in Abuja? It goes 7 storeys underground. When they put you inside there, even with these your glasses, you won’t be able to see anything.”
These remarks, delivered at a family function in 2019 with a smile and a laugh from the mouth of an uncle who had just retired from a top job at one of Nigeria’s security agencies, was the first time I ever received something that could be classified as a “threat.” At the time, I was no stranger to receiving angry feedback over my work.
Just a few weeks before, a daughter of Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh had obtained my number and called me angrily over a BusinessDay column which quoted historically verifiable accounts about him, including a quote from former Singaporean Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew. She then sent me a hagiography about her father written by Prof. Akinjide Osuntokun titled ‘Chief Festus Okotie-Eboh: In Time and Space.’
I never read beyond a few pages.
This however, was the first sign to me that the act of journalism was becoming an act of war in Major General Buhari’s Nigeria. Over the next 15 months, the events that would unfold, including a legislative and regulatory assault on freedom, a civilian massacre, and the creation of a list of “enemies of state” by the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA) and the State Security Service (SSS/DSS) would eventually culminate in an early morning illegal border crossing carrying only a rucksack and the clothes on my back. Before and after me would come several prominent individuals from the media and CSO space, all of us driven into exile by a murderous hostile regime occupying the only country we have ever called home.
Abacha-ism had found its way back into Aso Rock, and we were all going to caught up in its epicentre. I just didn’t know it yet.
The Private Sector Opening Salvoes
A problematic idea that I once had about the crackdown on press freedom in Nigeria was that it is exclusive to, or at least dominated by the government. As I began to find out in January 2020, this is not even close to true. That month, I published a story outlining mistreatment of employees at UBA and Dangote Group. The reaction came as a rude shock.
Around 16:30 on January 11, I received a call from someone who introduced himself as Ramon Nasir from UBA’s corporate communications department. He said that the bank’s CEO Kennedy Uzoka wanted us to “meet” at Alliance Francaise, Osborne Road, Ikoyi at 7PM. I spoke to my editor who advised me not to go, and I politely declined.
I then tweeted about the incident as a sort of personal insurance policy, after which Mr. Nasir called back angrily demanding that I take the tweet down and not mention the bank’s brand name. Feeling a bit alone and out of my depth at this point, I unwisely deleted the tweet before thinking it through. I then received a message from a security expert I am friends with telling me not to sleep at home and to change my address immediately, so I passed the ensuing two nights at my office.
I had a flight to Dubai lined up coincidentally for the 15th, so I went out on the 13th to change some money and go back into hiding. I ordered an Uber from my office, then located at 66, Daffodil Park, LSDPC Estate Scheme 4, Ogba, and an unusually new Toyota Camry with tinted windows showed up. I sensed something was amiss and the driver probably noticed my hesitance too. He immediately swung the car around and drove off hastily.
All these games to intimidate me are silly and pointless. I order an Uber and it shows up, sights me, then cancels and drives off.
Congratulations, now you have an office address which is already past tense now.
If I did something wrong, come out and say it with your chest.
To cut a long story short, I got onto my Emirates flight on the 15th after hiding out at an Airbnb under an assumed name. I spent a week in Dubai monitoring the situation until I figured that it was safe to return, by which point I had postponed my return flight twice.
When I determined that it was safe to come back, I spent the next 7 months living on the move, changing Airbnbs weekly and never driving myself so as not to get spotted and linked to a vehicle that could be targeted. All of this was done under my native name ‘Nugboyon,’ so that nobody could link their Airbnb guest or Uber rider to the journalist “David Hundeyin.”
In August, I published an analysis of the Corporate and Allied Matters Act (CAMA) 2020 which used publicly available information to point out a very clear and obvious piece of beneficial legislation intended to enrich an individual using state power. In response to my story, I got this in my Twitter inbox.
For good measure, Dr. Layonu then sent a reminder a month later demanding that I retract my factually correct and extensively researched story, lest he let the full weight of his SAN-ship fall on my insolent head.
My response as ever, was every bit as angry as it sounded.
When it came to bullying people into keeping silent using sheer economic or state power however, the worst was yet to come. Once again, I would find myself at the centre of a storm for the unforgivable crime of simply doing my job.
The Lekki Massacre And The Curious Case Of The Slow Internet
On Tuesday October 20, 2020, Nigeria witnessed a tragic event. Following weeks of sustained protests around the country as part of the End SARS movement, the security forces took brutal, unexpected and unwarranted lethal action at the spiritual epicentre of the protest movement. As the tragic events of that night were unfolding, a side story was also brewing with its own set of potentially seismic implications for Nigeria’s majority youth population.
There were questions about everything from international collusion to how come mobile network access and internet speeds suddenly fell off a cliff. Some suggested that Nigeria’s mobile Telecom operators were in fact collaborating with the security agencies to hide evidence of the shooting from the world. The events of this side story became the subject of much debate and conspiracy theory – why did internet speeds suddenly nosedive, and why did all network service providers record similar outcomes including difficulty making calls and sending messages simultaneously? Why did this coincide perfectly with the Lekki Massacre and its immediate aftermath?
Even more puzzling was the question: Assuming that the mobile networks were in fact working with the Lekki assailants, why was the internet not completely shut down altogether, as has been seen in other African countries like Togo and Tanzania? Why were at least 2 people still able to stream live videos of the events at the Lekki Toll Plaza on social media, and why could hundreds of thousands of network users watch these videos, albeit with slower speeds while others experienced total downtime even for voice and SMS? Why have these slow speeds and service outages persisted for network users across Nigeria since then?
For the first time since October 20, what happened with the internet service at the time of the Lekki Massacre can now be authoritatively revealed. The reason for the outage was buried inside a statement I received from a source at the Association of Licensed Telecom Operators of Nigeria (ALTON) a few days ago. The statement reads as follows:
“All members of the Association of Licensed Telecom Operators of Nigeria (ALTON) receive with deep sadness, news of the killing of unarmed protesters in Lekki, Lagos last night. We believe there was nothing warranting the killings. 20-10-2020 will forever be remembered in our history. We sympathise with the families of those who were cut down in their prime and pray that God will give them the fortitude and strength to bear the irreparable losses.
The downtime has been compounded by fibre cuts that have occurred across major routes in the metropolis resulting in congestion and poor services. Unfortunately, movement restriction and the volatility of the streets have conspired to ensure the outage persists because engineers have not been able to access the sites to fix the problems.
At the moment, the affected member operators are exploiting all avenues to remedy the situation. Engineers are working round the clock to access the sites, while in the interim there are plans to optimize coverage from other hub sites, deploy mobile sites and reroute traffic on fibre links as a stop-gap solution to the most impacted locations.”
The reason for the intense service outages was strategically buried in the middle of this passively-worded statement, but it will not have escaped the curious eye – “fibre cuts that have occurred across major routes in the metropolis.” In plain English, this means that someone cut the fibre optic cables that supply Nigeria with high speed internet in several locations across Lagos simultaneously, causing network interruption – or sabotage, as you might otherwise call it.
I read the statement several times and shared it with a couple of trusted friends to confirm that I was indeed reading what I thought I was reading. If I was, this statement would implicate whoever knew where the cables were buried and had the technical capacity to disrupt them in multiple locations at once. Since the networks had distanced themselves and made their dissaproval clear with an unusually strong statement, that would leave only one other suspect with the same information and physical tools that the networks had.
Nigeria’s fibre optic cable infrastructure originates in Lagos where it feeds from an undersea cable. From there, it fans out across the country to service Nigeria’s estimated 112 million internet lines via a vast network of mobile base stations owned and maintained by IHS Towers. Fibre optic cables are typically laid underground and specifically in such a way as to minimise the potential for network disruption due to external disturbance.
In February 2020, Airtel Nigeria reported that it suffered 1,022 fibre cuts in six months. 405 of these cuts were attributed to roadworks, and 617 were attributed to vandalism. If we extrapolate from this that roadworks and vandalism are to blame for most fibre cuts in Nigeria, it then begs the question – What roads were being worked on, or what vandals were digging for cables to steal at 7PM on Tuesday October 20, hours after a 24-hour curfew had been declared by the Lagos State government?
For the “series of fibre cuts” to take place and to do so in such a manner as to disrupt network services almost simultaneously, indicates a coordinated attack on network infrastructure that night. In other words, an unknown party working outside of the knowledge of the mobile telecom providers intentionally and systematically interrupted the fibre optic cable providing most of Nigeria with its high speed internet access. Whether this was done specifically to coincide with the Lekki Massacre is of course impossible to say, but what we do know is that an external attack on physical fibre optic cable infrastructure feeding Nigeria with high speed internet access coincided perfectly with when soldiers from 81 Division allegedly opened fire on peaceful protesters at the Lekki Toll Plaza.
Which is a remarkable coincidence, to say the least.
In the absence of high speed fibre connectivity, the networks deployed (slower) redundancy options to provide network access alternatives including direct satellite bandwidth, so as to keep their users online. This explains why many users in the Lekki Area (self included) could still access the internet with a measure of reliability, albeit at slower speeds than normal – including DJ Switch who streamed the Lekki Massacre and its aftermath on Instagram Live for almost two hours, reportedly using a MTN connection.
I was either going to sit on this information while the Lagos Judicial Panel pretends to investigate what the whole world watched in real time, or put my life in danger by directly implicating the Nigerian government as the only other party that could have known where to dig, what to cut, and the exact time to do it.
I chose a third option.
Nigerian CSO Leaders Weigh In On Abacha-esque Media and Civil Society Exodus
What does the phenomenon of peaceful protesters fleeing the country under Buhari’s watch mean for the current state of affairs in Nigeria ?
“This is an indicator that the state has failed. How can a country declare war against its youth in the manner the government has done? The country will remain worse off as we continue to lose our best brains because they chose to speak against state oppression and systematic violence. The last few days have seen the Government engaging in provocative actions against its people. Only authoritarians or unpopular governments appropriate force, blackmail, intimidation and violence against innocent citizens whose crime is demanding accountability from leaders who are holding power in trust for the people. These are dark days for our 21 year-old democracy.”
Samson Itodo – Executive Director, Yiaga Africa, an African Election think tank and Election Observation Group
UPDATE: The plot against me has been on for weeks now, and I’ve been aware until the signal sent to security agencies leaked tonight. The is a businessman linked with the @mbuhari regime who’s threatened me for weeks unending since #endsars started.
“It’s essentially a return to the bad old Abacha days when many people, including a number of the current leadership of the APC, had to flee into exile because their lives were not safe in the country. It shows an arbitrariness to the country’s approach to things which is not good for things such as ease of business, and most importantly, when juxtaposed with the manner in which violent men are given “amnesty deals” and feted, it shows a country that values violence a lot more than it values reason. That is all a toxic mix that portends a dark time for Nigeria.”
Cheta Nwanze, lead partner at SBM Intelligence
Further to cancellation of the Business Name registration “Enough is Enough BN 2210728”, the Corporate Affairs Commission wishes to inform the public that the proprietors of the cancelled Business name are: OPAYEMI ADAMOLEKUN and BISOLA EDUN.
I finally decided to leave Nigeria the week after the Lekki Massacre. I did not leave Nigeria because I was scared of Muhammadu Buhari’s brutal regime. I did not leave Nigeria because I found it to be the easier thing to do – quite the opposite in fact. I decided to leave Nigeria because I knew that I would never be silent as the Buhari regime – possessed as it is by the ghost of Sani Abacha – drags Nigeria back to 1996. I knew that the story would end either in the SSS underground cell my uncle described in Badagry last year, or in an unmarked grave like so many others – two outcomes that would not help anybody except Major General Buhari and the cult of personality around him.
I decided that the best outcome would be to maintain my voice, which is why on Thursday last week, I made the journey to my hometown for probably the last time in a long time, enroute the border. In the time-honoured style of the infamous NADECO route, I made my way across the border using the assumed identity of a student, carrying only a rucksack and some cash.
Just as in the 1980s and 1990s, a free-born citizen of Nigeria who has never committed a crime and only wants the best for his homeland has once again been forced into exile by a murderous military government whose bloodguilt is matched only by its paranoia. More of my colleagues in the journalism and civil society have since followed in this new-age NADECO rat-line endurance trek across national boundaries, dodging soldiers, swatting flies and dealing with acute humidity while trudging through the thick West African mud in pursuit of a limited amount of freedom in countries that are not our own.
One day, we will be back – not even Major General Buhari and all his bullets can deprive us of our god-given home. One day Muhammadu Buhari and everyone around him will be held accountable for the death and human suffering they are responsible for. In the everlasting words of Fela Anikulapo-Kuti, One day will be one day.
For now, it is time to settle down for at least another three years of Abacha-ism in Aso Rock. People will suffer. Some will die. Many more Nigerians who are only guilty of wanting a better life will go into exile. Political prisoners will fill Nigeria’s prisons once again. Journalists, student unionists, human rights activists, feminists, trade unionists and everyone else with an interest in freedom, life and happiness will once again be the enemy.
The fight for democracy has started again.
Sani Abacha is back from the dead.
Bashir Magashi is back.
Muhammadu Buhari is back.
1996 is back.
Amnesty International’s Statement on Attacks Against Nigeria’s Civic Space
The Community of Practice Against Mass Atrocities and a coalition of other civil society organizations across Africa signed below, condemn in the strongest terms, the renewed attacks on Nigeria’s civic space, and in particular, on Amnesty International’s Nigeria staff and offices.
We have observed with dismay recent events in Nigeria’s civic space, in particular threats to citizens and civil society organizations who dared to demand good governance through the #EndSARS movement, or sought to amplify their voices.
Through the course of the protests, and in its unfortunate aftermath, we note with concern, negative roles played by both state actors, and non-state actors with the acquiescence of the state. Specifically:
1. Peaceful #EndSARS protesters were attacked by violent counter-protest groups with the support of persons who had access to tools of the state;
2. Violent attacks on security agents and state assets by assailants who appear to enjoy the protection of state assets;
3. Extrajudicial killings and brutality by the state on peaceful protesters, in particular, the attack on unarmed and peaceful protesters at the Lekki Toll Gate Lagos on October 20, 2020;
4. The failure of the government to acknowledge its role in the breakdown of law and order in the aftermath of the #EndSARS protests;
5. The clamp down on supporters of the #EndSARS protesters through an extrajudicial “No fly list” and the freezing of their personal and corporate bank accounts;
6. An orchestrated campaign to tarnish digital expression in order to find an excuse to shut down social media in Nigeria;
7. Intimidation of and attacks on the media in order to induce further self-censorship and uncritical regime support;
8. The failure of government to arrest and prosecute persons and groups who in public forum including press conferences threatened to inflict violence on human rights advocates, #EndSARS protesters, and their supporters; and to instigate ‘civil disobedience. For example:
a nameless group, which self-identified as ‘Abuja Indigenous People’, which on October 19, 2020, threatened to attack #EndSARS protesters at the nation’s capital;
The Centre for Africa Liberation and Socio-Economic Rights (CALSER) led by a “Princess Ajibola”, which on November 4, 2020, threatened to attack Amnesty International’s offices and staff in Nigeria for their unbiased documentation of the attack on peaceful protesters at Lekki Toll Gate in Lagos, and issuing them a 7 days ultimatum to leave the country. Specifically, the group stated that “Amnesty International’s offices and those of all its affiliated organisations and known supporters in Nigeria will be set upon the same way that “its agents destroyed critical assets in the country”
We are particularly concerned about the regular threats and attacks on Amnesty International’s Nigeria Office and staff for their work exposing human rights violations within the country. Rather than treat them as partners in ensuring an orderly, democratic society built on the ethos of the protection of the rights and dignity of all citizens, the government and nameless groups clearly enjoying the protection of the government and its agencies, have sought to attack the organization and its staff through a sustained campaign of intimidation.
We remind the Nigerian government that the Constitution mandates that their primary purpose is to ensure the security and welfare of all citizens; and that their security and welfare cannot be fulfilled where their human rights are violated.
In a democracy, citizens must always be able to express dissenting opinions and demand accountability of those that they employ through the ballot, and through the institutions of the state. Government must ensure that they by no means shrink the very space that brought them to power, and fosters the sovereignty of its employers – citizens.
We therefore ask the Nigerian government:
1. To ensure the security and welfare of all, and to ensure that the rights and dignity of all citizens, including those who demand accountability and have dissenting opinions, are protected at all times
2. Investigate and prosecute the threats to the staff and facilities of Amnesty International in Nigeria; and in addition preempt the threat of attack by providing them with adequate security.
3. Immediately remove the unlawful no-Fly list designed to deny the constitutionally protected right of freedom of movement of persons whom the government chooses to link to the #EndSARS protests and to remove the transaction embargo on the accounts frozen.
4. Ensure that it investigates and prosecutes all persons who participated in the attacks against security personnel, state assets, and peaceful protesters in the context of the #EndSARS protests.
The Government’s aforesaid actions and continued abuse of the human and constitutional rights do not foster constitutional stability, or democracy of Nigeria, or Africa at large.
Signed
For Community of Practice Against Mass Atrocities:
Global Rights
Witness
Centre for Community Excellence
Srarina Initiative for Peace Justice and Development
Nigeria: Punitive Financial Moves Against Protesters
(Abuja) – Nigerian authorities appear to have used coercive financial measures to suppress protests against police brutality and independent media reporting, Human Rights Watch said today. The authorities should urgently lift arbitrary restrictions, including unblocking bank accounts of protest supporters, dismissing or reimbursing arbitrary fines, and investigating and appropriately disciplining officials responsible for any abuse of authority.
Days after nationwide protests over an abusive police unit began on October 8, 2020, people interviewed told Human Rights Watch, the Central Bank of Nigeria instructed private banks to freeze several organizations’ and individuals’ accounts to stop the flow of funds supporting the protests. The National Broadcasting Commission, the state-run television and radio regulator, has fined three independent television stations that reported on the violent security force response to protests, using footage posted on social media that the commission claims were unverified and contributed to the violence.
“Any attempts to suppress legitimate protests and genuine calls for accountability by arbitrarily blocking funds would be a gross abuse of power,” said Anietie Ewang, Nigeria researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Such action would indicate a wider problem of malfeasance and impunity that threaten democracy, human rights, and fundamental freedoms.”
Security forces have responded with excessive force to the protests calling on the authorities to abolish an abusive police unit called the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) and end police brutality, tagged EndSARS. Security forces fired teargas, water cannons, and live ammunition at protesters. On October 20, viral social media footage showed men dressed in military fatigues shooting at protesters in Lagos, sparking international outrage and condemnation. There have been credible reports of several deaths as a result of the shootings, which Human Rights Watch is investigating.
Human Rights Watch interviewed seven people on telephone and secure messaging apps between October 23 and 27, including representatives of three organizations and two individuals whose accounts were frozen after receiving or disbursing funds related to the protests. Human Rights Watch also interviewed one protest organizer in Lagos who said he and other organizers had received reports from over 10 vendors and donors whose bank accounts were blocked after receiving or donating money to support the protests.
Those affected said their bank accounts were frozen without any prior notice or legal proceedings, and in all cases bank staff had said that the restrictions were based on Central Bank directives. Bank staff told at least four people that the directive was related to transaction records that included references to EndSARS.
At the onset of the protests on October 8, a civil society group known as the Feminist Coalition began receiving donations to support protests through a fund set up by a Nigerian online payment processing company, Flutterwave. During the first several days, the fund had raised about 25 million Naira (about US$55,000). The payment link for the fund became inoperative on October 13, and media reports said it was to block funding channels for the protests.
Media also reported that the payment platform had been temporarily suspended to prevent the illicit flow of funds. This led to an outcry on Twitter with the hashtag #IstandwithFlutterwave. The company claimed, however, that their services were fully operational and the payment link was inoperative due to maintenance, raising questions about the timing of the maintenance operation.
The link remained inactive until October 22, when the Feminist Coalition announced that it would no longer accept funds. Media reported that the Naira bank account used by the Coalition to receive donations was also blocked on October 13. The Coalition had stated in a tweet that was later deleted that it was under attack, with its bank account blocked, Flutterwave link deactivated, and coalition members threatened.
Adewunmi Emoruwa of Gatefield, a Nigerian public strategy and communications firm, told Human Rights Watch that when the protests began, Gatefield said it would provide financial support for independent journalists and citizens to document the protests, through an existing initiative called Gatefield Impact. The initiative is aimed at supporting independent journalism in Nigeria, and receives funds to support the effort from others, including the Feminist Coalition.
As of October 15, Gatefield had disbursed funds to 23 journalists and sent airtime for phone internet access to about 100 people documenting the protests out of a total of about 30 journalists and 260 other people it planned to support. On the same day, the staff handling the payments realized that they could no longer carry out transactions from the Gatefield Impact bank account, which had been operational for seven years.
When they contacted the bank to ask why the transactions – which all referenced EndSARS in the payment records – were not being processed, bank officers told them they were carrying out a random internal compliance review and asked the organization to submit a number of documents to update their records. The account remained blocked even after the documents were provided the following day.
Gatefield tried to use other bank accounts, but by October 16, Gatefield’s three accounts had all been blocked. Bank officials said the action was based on Central Bank instructions. After Gatefield’s lawyer threatened to sue the bank in an October 23 letter, the bank unblocked all except the Gatefield Impact account. It sent a letter, on file with Human Rights Watch, to Gatefield’s lawyer, stating that the account was restricted at the request and directive of the Central Bank in exercise of its regulatory powers. The account remains restricted.
Nigeria’s Banks and Other Financial Institutions Law appears to require the Central Bank governor to obtain a court order stating that the account’s transactions may involve the commission of a criminal offense to freeze any account.
The Central Bank, in what appears to be an attempt to belatedly justify its actions, obtained a court order on November 5 directing five banks to freeze twenty bank accounts, including that of Gatefield and other people Human Rights Watch interviewed whose accounts were frozen, for a period of three months. The application for the court order, on file with Human Rights Watch, was filed on October 20, several days after the accounts were frozen, on the vague basis that the bank accounts are “under investigation,” without providing details on any specific alleged offenses. Other documents supporting the Central Bank’s application state that the account holders are suspected to be involved in “terrorism financing via their bank accounts.”
On October 26, the broadcast regulator announced it had fined three independent television stations for allegedly sharing “footages obtained from unverifiable and unauthenticated social media sources,” which it claimed “stimulated anger and heightened violence.” The fines ranged between 2 million (about $5,200) and 3 million naira (about $7,800) for each station. The regulator said the stations violated provisions in the broadcasting code that make broadcasters responsible for verifying materials, including from social media, before airing them.
Two representatives from one of the television stations told Human Rights Watch that the regulator did not give the station prior notice or any opportunity to provide information on their fact checking process before announcing the fine. “The statement issued by the NBC is the very first we heard of it, and we don’t know how they arrived at this conclusion that we should be fined,” said one staff member.
The NBC had warned on October 20 that broadcasters must “perform the role of a peace agent” in reporting on the protests and must “use materials carefully in order not to embarrass individuals, organizations, government … or incite violence.”
When the regulating agency is investigating a complaint against a broadcaster, the Nigeria Broadcasting Code requires it to inform the broadcaster and request a response in writing, among other measures. In a statement on October 27, the Broadcasting Organization of Nigeria, a coalition of public and private broadcasters, rejected the fines against the television stations and said that the agency should follow due process by first issuing a formal query to each of the stations involved and giving them an opportunity to defend themselves.
On November 9, Human Rights Watch shared the findings of its research with the Central Bank of Nigeria and the Nigerian Broadcast Commission, requesting a response, but at time of writing has not received a response.
“Any restrictions on bank accounts and media outlets for their activities related to recent protests appear to be not only arbitrary and illegal but would also run afoul of the government’s stated commitment to reform and accountability,” Ewang said. “The authorities should immediately remove all punitive financial measures that appear to have been placed on individuals or organizations simply for providing information or supporting people exercising their fundamental rights.”
For more details on the recent protests and restrictions, please see below.
SARS, and the EndSARS Protests
The Nigerian police force has a long history of unethical, corrupt, and criminal conduct. Its Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) is especially notorious for brutality against citizens. The squad was formed in 1992 as a special police unit to combat armed robbery and other violent crimes. It has, however, repeatedly been accused of committing the crimes it was created to respond to, and its members have been implicated in widespread human rights abuses, including extrajudicial killings, torture, arbitrary arrests, unlawful detention, extortion, and sexual violence.
Nigerians have said they believe that the unit has deliberately profiled and targeted young people, especially those with tattoos, dreadlocks, and visible possessions such as phones and laptops. A report by Amnesty International said the victims are predominantly male, ages 18 to 35.
In December 2017, Nigerian citizens began a social media campaign tagged #EndSARS to document physical abuse and extortion by SARS officers. They also called for disbanding the squad. That month, the police Inspector General announced plans to reorganize SARS units.
Following widespread complaints and renewed outcry on social media against SARS, in August 2018 Nigeria’s vice president and then-acting president ordered an immediate reorganization of SARS to ensure that officers strictly adhere to the rule of law and respect human rights. He also directed the National Human Rights Commission to set up a judicial panel to investigate the squad’s activities.
The police also announced reform measures to ensure accountability for alleged abuses by SARS officers, including by centralizing SARS operations at the federal command, which led to the squad changing its name to the Federal Special Anti-Robbery Squad (FSARS). High-ranking police officers were appointed to supervise its operations, which were restricted to responding to reports of armed robbery and kidnapping.
After holding public hearings across Nigeria’s six geopolitical zones, the Judicial Panel of Inquiry – which the National Human Rights Commission created in 2018 to investigate SARS activities – presented its findings and recommendations to the president in 2019. The panel among other things recommended firing and prosecuting some SARS officers. There is, however, little or no indication that the recommendations were carried out while SARS abuses have continued.
The recent protests were sparked by a video that surfaced online on October 3, allegedly showing a SARS officer shooting a young man in Delta state. This generated an outcry on social media, especially Twitter, where the hashtag #EndSARS began trending globally, and led to protests in over 20 states across Nigeria and in other cities around the world since October 8.
Responding in part to the protesters’ demands, the government announced on October 11 that the SARS unit would be disbanded and that its members would be integrated into other police units following “psychological tests.” SARS is to be replaced by a Special Weapons and Tactical Team. Many protesters and activists raised concerns that the same abusive behavior by former SARS officers would continue, even by a new unit with a different name.
Protesters remained in the streets calling for more far-reaching reforms and critical action to address police brutality, especially in the wake of more brutality and attacks against protesters.
Crackdown on Protest Supporters
According to media reports, the recent protests were organized and carried out largely by young people with no clear leaders. Yet organizations such as the Feminist Coalition played a significant role in supporting the protests. The coalition initially donated funds to support protesters in Lagos, but it soon began receiving donations to support the protests across the country. After its online donation link became inoperative and its Naira bank account was frozen, the coalition began raising funds through bitcoin. The Twitter CEO, Jack Dorsey, endorsed the effort, providing a link for donations, which gave the movement a huge boost.
As of October 22, when it stopped receiving donations, the coalition had raised almost 148 million naira (about $328,000).
From the money raised, and through individuals or groups organizing protests in various states, the coalition was able to provide food, water, health kits, ambulances, and private security, among other support. The coalition also covered the medical bills of injured protesters and organized legal services for those arrested. Many of these services were interrupted or completely cut off due to the account freezes, according to people Human Rights Watch interviewed.
A 28-year-old Nigerian healthcare worker told Human Rights Watch that he noticed his private bank account was blocked two days after he received money to provide medical supplies for the protests in Rivers State. Following inquiries, his bank said the instruction to block his account came from the bank’s head office in Lagos following a directive from the Central Bank. He said that his medical team was then handicapped because they could not access the money they needed to get supplies to respond to emergencies or help people in need of care during the protests, including when protesters in the town of Oyigbo in Rivers State were allegedly injured by security forces and needed an ambulance to reach a hospital.
“Apart from the fact that we could not help people, I have been unable to access my personal funds since the account was blocked,” he said. “That is where I have all my money; I am really stranded right now. I am living off other people, hoping to be able to pay them back once the account is functional again, but I don’t know when that will be.”
An organizer at a protest location in Lagos said that they received several reports from donors who said that their accounts had been blocked after they contributed funds to designated accounts and vendors who had been contracted to provide food, water, and other services to protesters. He said that many vendors running businesses that require access to funds in their accounts had been affected. “We had to rally around to find other ways to pay the vendors directly because we knew how badly their businesses will be affected with their accounts inaccessible,” he said.
A doctor who runs a health technology company and who helped provide medical supplies in about 40 protest locations across various states said that the company’s account was blocked on October 20 for about three days after it made payments to provide an ambulance at a protest location. When he asked the bank why the company could not carry out transactions, an officer told him that the account had been blocked based on instructions from the government because they had carried out transactions related to the EndSARS protests.
“I saw it as part of my civic duty as a healthcare professional to ensure there were medical supplies at the protest where large numbers of people were gathered in case of an emergency,” he said. “It is the human thing to do, and I was shocked that our business was made to suffer for that.”
A protest organizer in Ilorin, Kwara State said that she noticed that her account was blocked on October 17. She had received funds to support the protests on October 10, with a reference to EndSARS in the payment record. After reaching out to the bank several times, her account officer told her that the account was restricted for security reasons. Further interaction with a bank staff member revealed that a directive to freeze her account came from the Central Bank because it was linked to the protests.
The bank account has been blocked since and has caused her great difficulty. “I run a shop where I sell clothes, and that is the only account where I deposit or withdraw funds to stock my shop,” she said. “How can I run my business without access to my bank account? My business is really suffering.”
On October 21, Nigeria’s House of Representatives adopted a resolution urging the Central Bank to remove restrictions on all illegally frozen accounts within seven days, following a motion by a member of the House who stated that the bank had frozen more than 5,000 accounts without due process.
Threats to Media and Free Speech
The fines imposed by the broadcast regulator on Arise Television, Africa Independent Television, and Channels Television follow a pattern in what appears to be a renewed drive by the authorities to muzzle free speech.
In 2019, the Nigerian Broadcasting Commission suspended the broadcast licenses of two subsidiaries of Daar Communications, the African Independent Television (AIT) and Raypower Radio station, providing broad and vague reasons, including that the stations were mainstreaming unedited social media content in their broadcasts. Shortly thereafter, the Department of State Security Services declared a crackdown on social media users for posting materials described as threatening to the country’s peace and stability.
Citizens and civil society groups in the same year spoke out against a proposed law before the National Assembly seeking to regulate engagement on social media. The Social Media Bill would prohibit statements on social media deemed “likely to be prejudicial to national security” and “those which may diminish public confidence” in Nigeria’s government. It proposes punishing these offenses with a fine, a prison sentence of three years, or both, and seeks to allow law enforcement agencies to order internet service providers to disable internet access.
Following the EndSARS protests, Nigeria’s information minister solicited support for a national policy on the use of social media, through a submission before the House of Representatives Committee on Information and National Orientation. He also underscored the need for the government to deploy resources to acquire relevant technology that would allow control of social media platforms, while citing the role social media played in galvanizing the protests.
The era of Donald Trump has confronted Europe with hard truths that it should have recognised long ago. Even with a new, far more sympathetic US administration, it will be incumbent on Europe to come to the table as a co-equal power bearing solutions, rather than as a helpless child begging for protection and guidance.
BERLIN – Joe Biden’s victory in the US presidential election has been met with a wave of relief across Europe, where many feared that a second term for Donald Trump would have threatened the very survival of the European Union. Biden offers at least the prospect of restoring a more traditional transatlantic relationship. Many assume that the United States will return to leading the liberal international order, with Europeans playing a supporting role through diplomacy and soft power. Batman and Robin are back.
But this vision is a mirage. Long before Trump and his “America First” doctrine, a series of crises – the Iraq War debacle, the Great Recession, COVID-19 – had sapped US willingness to continue serving as the world’s policeman. And over the past four years, other powers – China, Russia, Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Israel, the United Arab Emirates, and many others – have been filling the vacuum created by America’s inward turn. Much of the global-governance architecture has been hijacked by China and other powers, and is now buckling under the weight of great-power competition.
Despite these geopolitical developments, some European Atlanticists have been hesitant to pursue greater self-reliance for fear of offending the US, whereas others secretly wished for a Trump victory on the grounds that it would finally shake Europe (especially Germany) from its complacency. Those in this second camp believe that Europe has made more progress toward securing its own sovereignty over the past four years than it did under the presidencies of Barack Obama, George W. Bush, and Bill Clinton combined.
In this sense, Trump – an exponent of everything Europeans oppose – may have served as the accidental father of European sovereignty. The politicians most supportive of a strong transatlantic alliance find themselves paradoxically tolerating outcomes that could well destroy it.
Concerned with maintaining its global strategic primacy, the US was once ambivalent about European defence and strategic autonomy. But as power has shifted eastward, subsequent US governments have been keen to devote as much attention, money, and military muscle as possible to the Indo-Pacific. The last thing the US wants is to get sucked into more “forever wars” in the Middle East or political conflagrations in Eastern Europe and the Balkans.
Accordingly, US strategic planners today do not object to a stronger, self-reliant Europe, but a weak one that diverts scarce US resources from the rivalry with China. The US is looking for a partner, not a collection of needy children who take no responsibility for their own welfare. The Biden administration will want to work with a Europe that offers solutions, not more problems.
Atlanticists who take the long view realise that the critical task now is not to restore the transatlantic relationship but to transform it. An EU that achieves strategic autonomy might not always agree with the US on issues such as data privacy, energy policy, or even global trade. But it would manage these differences pragmatically, while always standing shoulder to shoulder with America on the values-based issues that count. Instead of waiting for cues from the next American president, Europeans should already know what the US expects and be prepared to meet it halfway.
On China and the issues surrounding 5G, for example, Europeans don’t need to wait for instructions from the US: they should already be preparing the ground for something like a comprehensive Transpacific-Transatlantic Partnership. New arrangements are needed to circumvent Chinese resistance to substantive reforms to the international trading architecture, and to pressure China to curb its market-distorting practices.
Likewise, on Russia, Europeans should already be devising a new Eastern Partnership to bring both European and US security assistance to the frontlines of the struggle. On climate change, Europe needs to move quickly to develop an EU-US carbon border adjustment mechanism, and to invest more in a green-tech alliance to boost economic competitiveness. And on Iran, Europeans can anticipate renewed negotiations on a revamped nuclear deal aimed at de-escalating tensions across the region.
From the US perspective, the biggest threat to Atlanticism is not European sovereignty, but rather European dependence. Trump has spent the last four years pulling at the strings of Europe’s internal divisions. If Biden wants to reinvent American leadership for the twenty-first century, he will need to push Europe to become self-reliant.
Biden has promised Americans that he will pursue unity and bring an end to a “grim era of demonisation.” He could do the same for Europe, and without any costs to American taxpayers, by bringing new pressure to bear on the countries that are undermining European unity from within – namely Poland and Hungary. From day one, Biden should make clear to these countries’ governments that the road to the White House runs through Brussels. That would already make him a better advocate for European sovereignty than Trump was, and it would represent a big step toward implementing a new American grand strategy.
There is a strong parallel between this approach and the debates about COVID-19. The top post-pandemic priority is not to “reconstruct” the status quo ante, but rather to use the crisis as an opportunity to fix the things we already knew were broken.
•Mark Leonard is Director of the European Council on Foreign Relations.
Senator James Lankford, Republican of Oklahoma, indicated in a radio interview that he was ready to take action so that President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr. receives presidential daily briefings.Credit...Anna Moneymaker for The New York Times
Senator James Lankford, Republican of Oklahoma, indicated in a radio interview that he was ready to take action so that President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr. receives presidential daily briefings.Credit…Anna Moneymaker for The New York Times
Senator James Lankford, an Oklahoma Republican who sits on a key Senate oversight committee, said on a podcast released on Wednesday that he had no objections to President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr. receiving presidential daily briefings, and that he would take action himself if that did not begin by the end of the week.
“If that’s not occurring by Friday, I will step in,” Mr. Lankford said in an interview on KRMG radio in Tulsa, “to be able to push them and say, ‘This needs to occur,’ so that regardless of the outcome of the election, whichever way that it goes, people can be ready for that actual task.”
Mr. Lankford, a member of the Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee said he had already begun “engaging” on the matter. The General Services Administration would soon clear the way for the transition to more formally begin, he said.
Emily W. Murphy, the Trump-appointed administrator of the General Services Administration, has the legal authority to begin the transition by formally recognizing Mr. Biden as the incoming president, releasing federal funds, making office space available and allowing the Mr. Biden’s team to interact with agency employees across the government. So far, she has refused to grant those permissions on the ground that the results of the election are not clear.
President Trump’s refusal to concede has already affected national security issues, as Mr. Lankford’s interviewer noted on the KRMG podcast. It was unclear when and whether Mr. Biden’s team would have access to classified information that would allow them to learn about the threats facing the United States.
When asked in his interview about the daily briefings, which contain a compendium of the government’s latest intelligence, Mr. Lankford repeatedly said there was “nothing wrong” with Mr. Biden receiving them so that he could prepare for the transition.
Mr. Lankford said he understood why Mr. Biden had begun the transition process, given that major news organizations and television networks had called the race in his favor. But he also added that he believed Mr. Trump was entitled to press forward with his legal challenges because the race was close in several states.
As for himself, Mr. Lankford said, “I’m going to wait this out.”
So far, only a small handful of Republican senators have congratulated Mr. Biden on his victory. Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the majority leader, has backed Mr. Trump, saying he was “100 percent within his rights” to challenge the outcome in court.
*Query N44m spent on welfare packages in 22 months
The House of Representatives during the ongoing budget defence held on Thursday expressed grave concerns over the inefficiencies in the operations of Bureau of Public Procurement (BPP) and resolved to investigate a Deputy Director Accounts on Grade Level 16 who was born on January 8, 1996, but employed December 15, 1992, and promoted Deputy Director on January 1, 2019.
The lawmakers who expressed the concern during the 2020 budget performance and 2021 budget defence on BPP, also demanded the utilization of various subheads on N22.666 million spent on welfare packages, N17.912 million on local training, N57.7 million spent on local travel and international travels during COVID-19 pandemic lockdown, in 2020 budget among others.
The lawmakers who frowned at the submission of 2015/2016 audited report in 2020, also chided the BPP management which superintended the audit report of 850 agencies (out of which 32 agencies have so far been concluded) for failing to comply with extant financial regulations on the submission of audit report annually.
Speaking earlier, Hon. Kingsley Oju, Deputy Chairman of the Committee, who expressed displeasure over the agency’s inefficiency, said: “I don’t think there is any other job provided in the schedule of your assignment. It baffles this committee that since the appointment of the DG, it is taking about four years to submit report from 32 agencies out of over 850 agencies for us to know whether they are complying with the law.
“We are shocked as a committee on public procurement that we don’t even have materials to work. We are doing budget defence, but this committee is vested with the responsibility to ascertain the usage of previous funds. I agree with you that audit is going on, but if your performance is less than five percent, I don’t think we are ready to do the job. I therefore move a motion that the committee should mandate the Bureau to submit all procurement audit report of 2016, 2017, 2018 and 2019 before the end of this year.”
While responding to questions raised by the lawmakers, the BPP Director General, Mamman Ahmadu disclosed that out of total sum of N1.485 billion allocated to the Bureau, N250.479 million was for capital expenditure; N750.060 million for overhead expenditure while N484.236 million for personnel expenditure.
He, however, observed that the total sum of N1.485 billion allocated to the Bureau was reviewed downward to N1.425 billion.
According to him, in order to consolidate on the achievements of the due process reform and to address some of the core mandates that will help realize effective contracts administration, the total sum of N250,478,701 was allocated to the Bureau in the 2020 budget, but this was however reviewed downward to N190,363,813 in the 2020 amended budget.
He added that prior to the review of the 2020 revised appropriation, the sum of N190,363,813 was released to the Bureau, out of which total sum of N149,153,212.64 has so far been expended, leaving a balance of N141,210,600.36 in the revised capital vote.
On the fund released for overhead expenditure, out of total sum of N750,059,898 approved, the sum of N437,534,940.50 has so far been released, while N196,714,057.95 (45% of the released fund) has been utilized leaving a balance of N240,820,882.55 as at October 2020, which is already committed to settling pending liabilities.
To this end, the Committee directed the BPP Director General to furnish the details of the pending liabilities.
For 2021 proposed budget, out of total sum of N1,436 billion proposed for 2021 fiscal year, the sum of N205,929,069 is for capital expenditure, N750.060 is for overhead expenditure while N479.899 million is for personnel expenditure.
While speaking, the BPP Director General argued that: “We have published some procurement audit and submitted same to the committee.”
In a swift response, the chairman who expressed displeasure over the DG’s position said: “Let me stop you there. You said you have submitted a procurement audit for this year to the committee. I am not aware of that. Audit is supposed to be on continuous basis. What it mean is that a lot of reports are still pending.
In his intervention, Hon. Ossai said: “It means you have been in office for four years now and yet your office has not done its job. I see this as an infraction to the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. If that is so, the House should be able to summon the political courage and will and be able to do the needful and an affront on the Constitution and the Appropriation Act.
“Every year, we appropriate money for this purpose and we budget money for a particular purpose and it is misapplied, that is another infraction. I think we should go beyond the issues of questions and answers on the 2020/2021 appropriation and make far-reaching recommendations,” he observed.
To this end, he resolved to set up a technical committee that will investigate various queries raised by the lawmakers, with the view to ensure value for money and efficiency.
It was gathered that the gunmen who rode in milk Sienna vehicle, opened fire on the bullion van around 3pm.
Video footages of the incident showed the van riddled with bullets with its tires completed deflated.
The corpse of a man identified as a motorcyclist whose bike laid nearby was seen while the other person’s blood was alleged to have stained the ground.
Witnesses, who recorded videos as the robbery was ongoing, said the gunmen shot the carriage open and carted away the cash inside.
It was gathered the armed robbers started firing the van from a distance but the driver refused to stop until he got to Blenco Supermarket with his tires ruined.
While some claimed the gunmen fled through the lagoon after taking the cash, other said alleged they entered a nearby structure.
A source, who claimed to have witnessed the incident, wrote: “I witnessed a broad daylight robbery 10 minutes ago. A black bullion van was attacked. All the tyres of the van were shot at but the driver did not stop.
“Gunmen in Siena and carrying AK47 were shooting sporadically in front of Blenco between Ajah-Ado Road. Commuters using route should be cautious and alert.”
Lamenting incessant robberies in the area, a resident said: “Shall we pretend we’re surprised at the recent spike in armed robberies in Lagos?
“At least four robberies on the Lekki-Ajah axis in the past one week alone. “Today’s event happened around 3pm in broad daylight at BLENCO on Addo Road, Ajah. Some “people” have abandoned their duty post.
Another resident, Nse Ikpe, lamented Addo road had become a war zone with sounds of gunshot heard every night.
The Nation reports the Area N Command and Ajah Police Division were among those attacked and armoury looted by hoodlums during the violence that followed the #ENDSARS protests in the state.
Although Addo Road and Badore areas of Ajah have been notorious for cult- related violence in the last two years, residents said there has been a spike in armed violence since the attacks on the police stations.
At the time of this report, it was not certain the bank whose money was being transported and the destination.
It was also unclear the number of the robbers and whether they had a waiting boat in the lagoon with which they fled.
Commissioner of Police Hakeem Odumosu told newmens the information from the incident was still sketchy.
He said: “I am yet to get detailed information from the Area Commander but so far, we have not received any report on death.”
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